The Shadow of the Sentinel: The Ecological and Industrial History of the American Chestnut Blight in Pocahontas County, West Virginia
I. Introduction: The Arboreal Sovereign of the Allegheny Highlands
In the deep, folded topography of the central Appalachian Mountains, the American chestnut (Castanea dentata) was not merely a component of the forest; it was the governing biological force. Within the specific geopolitical and ecological boundaries of Pocahontas County, West Virginia—a region distinguished by its high mean elevation, known as the "Birthplace of Rivers"—the chestnut exerted a dominance that is difficult for the modern ecologist or historian to fully conceptualize. Before the catastrophic arrival of the fungal pathogen Cryphonectria parasitica in the early twentieth century, this species functioned as the foundational pillar of both the ecological web and the human subsistence economy.
The pre-blight forest of Pocahontas County was a masterpiece of vertical complexity. While the highest peaks, such as Cheat Mountain (rising over 4,800 feet), were capped with boreal red spruce (Picea rubens) and eastern hemlock (Tsuga canadensis), the vast intermediate slopes and dry sandstone ridges were the domain of the chestnut. In these specific hydrological and geological zones, Castanea dentata did not merely exist; it ruled. Historical timber cruises and witness tree data suggest that in the prime chestnut belts of the county, the species comprised between twenty-five and forty percent of the standing timber volume. In certain ridge-top microclimates, this could escalate to nearly pure stands—natural monocultures that resembled cultivated orchards in their spacing and productivity.
The physical stature of these trees in the virgin forest of Pocahontas County challenges contemporary imagination. Specimens reaching one hundred to one hundred twenty feet in height, with diameters at breast height (DBH) exceeding six to eight feet, were not anomalies but the standard bearers of the canopy. The tree was a rapid grower, outpacing its oak and hickory competitors, capable of adding an inch of diameter annually in optimal conditions. Its ability to regenerate vigorously from stump sprouts gave it a unique resilience to physical disturbances such as windthrow or indigenous burning practices, allowing it to sequester carbon and produce biomass at rates unequaled by other hardwoods.
For the human inhabitants of the county—descendants of Scots-Irish and German settlers who had pushed into the Greenbrier Valley in the late eighteenth century—the chestnut was the "farmer's best friend." It was a cradle-to-grave resource, integrated into every facet of mountain life. The rot-resistant timber, saturated with tannins, was the primary material for fencing, log cabins, barn beams, and shingles. A fence post hewn from chestnut heartwood could endure the damp, acidic soil of a Pocahontas County pasture for a generation or more without decay.
But beyond timber, the tree was a provider of sustenance. The annual mast crop was reliable and voluminous, unlike the cyclical and unpredictable masting of the oak genus (Quercus). The sweet, starchy nuts fed the localized subsistence economy. Families in rural communities like Arbovale, Hillsboro, and Marlinton relied on the chestnut harvest not only for their own tables but as a critical source of cash income. The nuts were gathered by the bushel, transported to railheads at Cass or Durbin, and shipped to urban markets in the east. Furthermore, the practice of "hog droving"—releasing domestic swine into the forest to fatten on the mast—transformed the chestnut ridges into a vast, free-range feedlot.
The arrival of the chestnut blight in Pocahontas County was not simply a botanical event; it was a socio-economic catastrophe and an ecological unraveling of the highest order. It occurred simultaneously with another transformative force: the industrial logging of the virgin forest. The intersection of these two events—the mechanical removal of the forest by the band saw and the biological annihilation of the chestnut by the fungus—created a unique and tragic epoch in the county’s history. This report details that "great timber blight," dissecting the mechanisms of destruction, the industrial salvage that followed, and the enduring ecological silence that lingers in the hollows of the Allegheny Highlands.
II. The Ecological Niche: Castanea dentata in the High Alleghenies
To understand the void left by the chestnut, one must first measure the space it occupied. In the diverse mixed mesophytic forests of West Virginia, the chestnut occupied a specific and critical niche.
2.1 The Ridge-Top Consociation
Pocahontas County is characterized by its long, parallel ridges—part of the Ridge and Valley province—and the dissected Allegheny Plateau. These landforms possess distinct soil chemistries. The ridges are often capped with resistant sandstone, resulting in dry, acidic, sandy-loam soils. It was here that the chestnut thrived. Unlike the tulip poplar (Liriodendron tulipifera) or the sugar maple (Acer saccharum), which preferred the moist, nutrient-rich coves, the chestnut was a master of the dry, acidic uplands.
Ecologists describe the pre-blight forest composition in these areas as a "Chestnut-Oak" association or, more specifically, a Chestnut consociation. In this arrangement, the chestnut was the dominant canopy species, often outcompeting the chestnut oak (Quercus montana) and northern red oak (Quercus rubra) for sunlight. The chestnut’s rapid growth rate allowed it to punch through the canopy gap created by a fallen tree faster than any other species, securing its dominance for centuries.
2.2 The Nutrient Pump and Soil Chemistry
The American chestnut functioned as a nutrient pump for the forest ecosystem. Its root system was extensive and efficient at mining nutrients, particularly potassium and calcium, from the rocky substrates. When the tree dropped its leaves in autumn, it returned these nutrients to the forest floor.
Crucially, chestnut leaves differ significantly from oak leaves in their decomposition rates. Chestnut leaves are thinner, less fibrous, and contain lower levels of lignin compared to oak leaves. While they are high in tannins, the specific chemical structure of chestnut litter allows for rapid breakdown by macroinvertebrates and fungi. This created a rapid nutrient cycle, where the energy stored in the leaves was quickly made available again to the soil biota. The shift from a chestnut-dominated forest to an oak-dominated forest has likely slowed this cycle, resulting in a thicker, more acidic leaf litter layer and a fundamental alteration of the soil microbiome—a phenomenon sometimes referred to as the "invisible extinction" of soil diversity.
2.3 The Mast Super-Producer
The reproductive strategy of Castanea dentata was its most significant ecological trait. Most hardwood trees in the Appalachians, particularly oaks and beeches, are "masting" species. They produce heavy seed crops only intermittently—perhaps every three to five years—as a strategy to overwhelm seed predators. In the intervening years, the crop is lean.
The chestnut, however, produced a heavy crop annually. It flowered late in the season, typically in late June or early July (hence the oral history descriptions of the mountains appearing "snow-capped" in summer). This late flowering allowed the chestnut to escape the late spring frosts that frequently decimated the flowers of oaks and fruit trees in the high elevations of Pocahontas County.
Table 1: Comparative Mast Characteristics of Appalachian Hardwoods
As Table 1 illustrates, the chestnut provided a stable, high-energy baseline for the food web. For wildlife species that require distinct fat reserves to survive the harsh Allegheny winters—specifically the black bear (Ursus americanus) and the wild turkey (Meleagris gallopavo)—the chestnut was the primary energetic driver.
III. The Human Ecology: The Appalachian Commons
Before the timber barons arrived with their deeds and railways, the forests of Pocahontas County operated under a cultural system known as the "commons." While land was privately owned, the resources of the forest—game, ginseng, berries, and nuts—were culturally understood to be accessible to all.
3.1 The Hog Drovers and the "Mast Pork"
The integration of the chestnut into the agricultural cycle was profound. In the 19th and early 20th centuries, livestock fencing laws in West Virginia were the inverse of modern statutes; farmers fenced their crops in and let their livestock run out. This "open range" system relied entirely on the forest mast.
In late summer, farmers in the Greenbrier Valley would mark their hogs and drive them up onto the ridges of Droop Mountain, Back Allegheny, or Cheat Mountain. There, the hogs would forage on the falling chestnuts. This system converted the "free" energy of the forest into protein. The resulting pork was not only cheap to produce but was of superior quality, with the sweet fat that comes from a nut-based diet. This practice was critical for the subsistence of families who had little cash flow. The chestnut effectively subsidized the cost of living in the mountains.
3.2 The Gathering Economy
The chestnut harvest was also a direct commercial activity. As railroads penetrated the county—first the C&O to Marlinton and Cass, and later the Western Maryland to Durbin—a link was forged between the remote hollows and the urban centers of the East Coast.
In the autumn, rural schools would often close or see attendance drop as children joined their parents in the woods. This was not merely recreational; it was economic survival. A bushel of chestnuts could sell for a few dollars—a significant sum in an era where daily wages might be less than a dollar. Records indicate that in 1911, a single railroad station in West Virginia shipped over 155,000 pounds of chestnuts. The station at Cass, primarily known for lumber, also served as a depot for this wild harvest. The nuts were shipped to Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New York, where they were roasted by street vendors. Thus, the energy of the Pocahontas County soil was exported to the metropolis, forging a metabolic link between the mountains and the city.
3.3 The Architecture of Chestnut
The physical properties of the wood shaped the built environment. Chestnut wood is ring-porous and contains high concentrations of tannic acid. This makes it incredibly resistant to fungal decay and insect attack (with the exception of the chestnut timber worm, discussed later).
In the humid climate of the Appalachians, where oak or pine would rot in contact with the ground within a few years, chestnut persisted. The rail fences that crisscrossed the Little Levels district of Hillsboro were chestnut. The foundation logs of the pioneer cabins were chestnut. Even the shingles were riven from chestnut bolts because the wood's straight grain allowed it to be split easily with a froe. The county was, in a literal sense, built on the back of Castanea dentata.
IV. The Industrial Context: The Machine in the Garden
To understand the speed at which the blight reshaped Pocahontas County, one must understand the industrial context of the era. The blight did not arrive in a pristine wilderness; it arrived in a forest that was being systematically dismantled by industrial capitalism.
4.1 The West Virginia Pulp and Paper Company (WVP&P)
The defining industrial entity of Pocahontas County was the West Virginia Pulp and Paper Company (now WestRock). Founded by the Luke family, the company established the town of Cass in 1900 to exploit the red spruce forests of Cheat Mountain for paper pulp.
The operation at Cass was a marvel of industrial engineering. The company built a standard-gauge logging railroad that utilized Shay locomotives—geared steam engines capable of climbing grades of up to 10-12%, far steeper than conventional rod engines could manage. This allowed the loggers to reach the highest elevations and the deepest hollows.
While the initial target was spruce, the company quickly diversified. The massive double-band mill at Cass was capable of cutting hardwoods as well. As the spruce was depleted, the company turned its saws to the hemlock and hardwoods of the lower slopes—including the massive chestnut stands.
4.2 The Tannery at Frank
Just north of Cass, near Durbin, the Howes Leather Company established a massive tannery in the town of Frank. This facility was the largest sole leather tannery in the world. Tanning requires tannic acid to cure animal hides. Historically, this was derived from hemlock bark, but chestnut wood and bark were even richer sources.
The tannery created a specific demand for chestnut. Unlike sawmills that required straight, sound logs for lumber, the tannery could utilize "extract wood." This meant that even gnarly, twisted, or limb wood could be harvested, chipped, and boiled in giant vats to extract the liquor. The presence of the Howes tannery meant that in Pocahontas County, the chestnut was valuable down to the last branch. This economic incentive would drive the "salvage logging" to extreme lengths once the blight hit, ensuring the total removal of the species from large swathes of the landscape.
V. The Pathogen: Cryphonectria parasitica
The agent of this ecological revolution was a microscopic fungus, Cryphonectria parasitica (formerly Endothia parasitica). Native to East Asia (China and Japan), the fungus had co-evolved with the Asian chestnut species (Castanea mollissima and Castanea crenata), which had developed resistance to it.
5.1 Mechanisms of Infection and Mortality
The fungus is a wound pathogen. It does not penetrate intact bark. Instead, it relies on openings created by insects, woodpeckers, broken branches, or bark fissures. Once a spore (either an ascospore carried by wind or a conidium carried by rain/insects) lands in a wound, it germinates.
The fungal mycelium invades the inner bark and the vascular cambium—the living layer of the tree responsible for transporting water and nutrients. The fungus kills the plant cells by secreting oxalic acid, a potent toxin that lowers the pH of the tissue to lethal levels. As the cells die, the fungus consumes the nutrients.
Visually, this manifests as a "canker"—a sunken, dead area on the bark, often orange or reddish in color due to the fungal stromata (fruiting bodies). As the mycelial fan expands, it circles the branch or trunk. When the canker meets itself on the other side, the tree is "girdled." The flow of water to the leaves is severed. The leaves wilt and die but often fail to detach, resulting in the characteristic "flagging"—dead, brown leaves hanging on the tree in mid-summer, a ghostly signal of infection.
5.2 The Vector of Spread
The spread of the blight was relentless and multifaceted.
Wind: The fungus produces ascospores that are forcibly ejected into the air and can travel miles on the breeze.
Animals: The sticky conidia attach to the feet of birds, the fur of squirrels, and the bodies of insects, transporting the disease from tree to tree and ridge to ridge.
VI. The Invasion of the Highlands: Timeline and Progression
The chronology of the blight in Pocahontas County is a study in dread and inevitability. While the disease was discovered in the Bronx Zoo in 1904, it took nearly two decades to effectively conquer the high fortress of the Alleghenies.
6.1 The Early Warnings (1910-1920)
By 1912, the blight was ravaging the forests of Pennsylvania and New York. West Virginia, being the only state located entirely within the natural range of the chestnut, watched with alarm. State forestry officials and the USDA attempted to establish quarantines. In 1913, the blight was detected in the eastern panhandle of West Virginia and nearby Virginia counties.
The Pocahontas Times, the local newspaper edited by the conservation-minded Calvin Price (and his brother Andrew Price), began to run reports of the "Chestnut tree bark disease". However, the rugged isolation of Pocahontas County provided a temporary buffer.
6.2 The Tipping Point (1925-1930)
The mid-1920s marked the turning point. Historical accounts and dendrochronological evidence suggest that the main front of the blight swept into the central Alleghenies during this period. The long, continuous ridges of Pocahontas County acted as wicks, facilitating the rapid spread of the pathogen along the ridgetops where the chestnut density was highest.
By 1929, reports indicated that live chestnuts were becoming rare in the understory and canopy of West Virginia. The infection rate followed an exponential curve. A stand might show a few "flags" one year, be 50% infected the next, and be functionally dead within five years.
6.3 The Collapse (1930-1940)
By the 1930s, the "Ghost Forests" had appeared. Millions of gray, leafless skeletons stood on the ridges of Droop Mountain, Allegheny Mountain, and Back Allegheny. The rapid death of 25% of the canopy trees was an ecological shock equivalent to a massive fire or glacial event, yet it happened in silence.
VII. The Great Salvage: Industrial Cannibalism
The death of the chestnut forest did not mean the end of the chestnut industry. Ironically, the blight triggered a frenzy of logging known as the "Great Salvage."
7.1 Harvesting the Dead
Chestnut wood is legendary for its durability. A tree killed by the blight did not rot immediately. The heartwood remained sound for decades, preserved by its tannin content. This allowed the timber companies—WVP&P, Campbell Lumber, Warn Lumber—to continue harvesting chestnut long after the trees had died.
The loggers of Cass and Durbin found themselves working in a dangerous, macabre landscape. Felling dead trees ("snags") is notoriously hazardous. The dry, brittle branches, known as "widowmakers," could snap without warning and crush a cutter. Yet, the economic value of the wood drove them on.
7.2 The "Wormy Chestnut" Phenomenon
As the trees stood dead on the stump, they were colonized by the chestnut timber worm (Melittomma sericeum). In a living tree, the sap flow would pitch out the larvae. In the dead trees, the larvae bored freely, creating thousands of tiny pinholes in the wood.
Initially considered a defect, the lumber industry pulled off a marketing masterstroke. They branded this riddled wood as "Wormy Chestnut." It became highly fashionable for its rustic aesthetic, used in paneling, library interiors, and furniture. This created a perverse economic incentive: the longer the dead trees stood, the "wormier" and potentially more valuable they became for decorative markets, even as their structural integrity for beams declined.
7.3 Feeding the Tannery
The Howes Leather Company in Frank became the primary consumer of the salvage. They did not care about wormholes. They needed tannin. The salvage operations stripped the bark and chipped the wood of millions of dead chestnuts.
This industrial consumption had a profound ecological consequence: it removed the biomass. In a natural forest die-off, the dead trees would fall and decompose, returning their nutrients to the soil. In Pocahontas County, the dead chestnuts were largely removed and processed. The nutrients they held were exported as leather or lumber, leaving the soil depleted and chemically altered.
VIII. The Civilian Conservation Corps: Building with Ghosts
The Great Depression hit West Virginia hard. In 1933, the federal government established the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC). Pocahontas County became a hub for the CCC, with major camps established at Droop Mountain (Camp Price) and Watoga (Camp Seebert).
8.1 The Mandate to Clean
One of the primary tasks of the CCC was "Timber Stand Improvement" and fire hazard reduction. The millions of standing dead chestnuts were viewed as giant lightning rods and fuel for forest fires. The young men of the CCC—many from the impoverished industrial centers or local farms—were sent out with crosscut saws to fell the snags.
8.2 State Park Architecture
The CCC did not burn all the wood. They used it to build the infrastructure of West Virginia's burgeoning state park system.
Watoga State Park: The cabins, administration building, and picnic shelters were constructed from salvaged American chestnut logs. The dark, rich brown of the wood, punctuated by wormholes, defines the aesthetic of the park today.
These structures stand today as reliquaries. They house the physical bodies of the giant trees that once ruled the mountain, preserved by the craftsmanship of the CCC and the durability of the wood itself.
IX. Ecological Aftermath I: The Forest Floor and Succession
With the chestnut gone, a struggle for dominance ensued in the canopy. The results of this struggle define the forests of Pocahontas County today.
9.1 The Oak Ascendancy
In many areas, particularly on the drier ridges, the oaks (Red, White, and Chestnut Oak) expanded to fill the gap. The forest shifted from a Chestnut-Oak association to an Oak-Hickory or Oak-Pine association. However, oaks grow slower than chestnuts and have different requirements for light and soil moisture. The replacement was not one-for-one. The total biomass productivity of the forest likely declined.
9.2 The "Rhododendron Hell"
In the moister coves and on the north-facing slopes of Watoga and the Cranberry Wilderness, the loss of the canopy had a different effect. The increased light hitting the forest floor triggered the explosive growth of the great rhododendron (Rhododendron maximum).
This evergreen shrub forms dense, impenetrable thickets. Once established, it creates a deep shade that prevents the germination of tree seedlings. It essentially arrests forest succession. In forestry terms, these areas are known as "rhododendron hells." They are biological deserts for canopy tree regeneration. Eighty years after the blight, many of these thickets persist, preventing the forest from returning to a high-canopy state and altering the hydrology and soil chemistry of the hollows.
X. Ecological Aftermath II: The Trophic Cascade
The disappearance of the chestnut mast triggered a trophic cascade—a ripple effect that destabilized the food web of the Allegheny Highlands.
10.1 The Decline of the Black Bear
The black bear population of West Virginia crashed in the mid-20th century. While unregulated hunting and habitat loss were factors, the loss of the chestnut was the energetic tipping point. Bears require massive caloric intake in the autumn to survive hibernation and for sows to successfully nurse cubs. The chestnut provided this reliability. The shift to an acorn-based diet, which is variable and less reliable, likely increased winter mortality and lowered reproductive success. It took decades of game management for bear populations to recover, and they did so in a forest that was energetically poorer than the one their ancestors inhabited.
10.2 The Allegheny Woodrat
The Allegheny woodrat (Neotoma magister) is a species in precipitous decline in the Appalachians. Research indicates a strong correlation between the range of the woodrat and the historic range of the chestnut.
Nutritional Deficit: Woodrats cache food for the winter. Chestnuts are high in carbohydrates and store well. Acorns are high in lipids but can go rancid or be infested by weevils.
The "Final Straw": The loss of the chestnut is viewed as a destabilizing factor that, combined with raccoon roundworm and habitat fragmentation, has pushed the woodrat toward extirpation in many parts of its range.
10.3 Stream Ecology
The shift from chestnut to oak/rhododendron also affected the aquatic ecosystems. Chestnut leaves provided a high-quality food source for "shredder" macroinvertebrates in the headwater streams. Oak leaves, being tougher and more tannic, are a poorer food source. This likely reduced the secondary productivity of the streams, affecting the native brook trout (Salvelinus fontinalis) which feed on these insects.
XI. Scientific Response and Restoration: The Long Road Back
The American chestnut is not extinct. It is "functionally extinct." The blight fungus cannot survive in the soil due to competition from soil microorganisms. Therefore, the root systems of the trees remain alive. They send up sprouts, which grow for a few years until the bark fissures, the blight enters, and the stem dies. The roots then resprout, repeating the cycle.
11.1 Early Failures
In the 1920s and 30s, the USDA distributed thousands of Asian chestnuts to replace the American species. These trees, adapted to orchard growing in China, largely failed in the competitive forests of West Virginia. They were too short, spread too wide, and could not compete with the native oaks and poplars for sunlight.
11.2 The American Chestnut Foundation (TACF)
Founded in 1983, TACF adopted a backcross breeding program. This involved crossing Chinese chestnuts (resistant) with American chestnuts (timber form), and then backcrossing the offspring to American lines for several generations. The goal was a tree that was 15/16ths American but carried the resistance genes.
Pocahontas County has been a key testing ground for these trees. The West Virginia chapter of TACF is highly active.
Germplasm Conservation Orchards (GCOs): In recent years, GCOs have been established at Watoga State Park, the Middle Fork Club, and near Sutton Dam.
Purpose: These orchards are not for timber production but for genetic preservation. Volunteers collect scion wood from surviving wild sprouts in Pocahontas County. These are grafted onto rootstock in the orchards. The goal is to capture the specific genetic adaptations of the local population—trees adapted to the high elevation, cold winters, and rocky soils of the Alleghenies—before the old root systems finally die of exhaustion.
11.3 The Middle Fork Club
The planting at the Middle Fork Club in Upshur/Pocahontas County is a prime example of citizen science. This private community, with homes built from salvaged chestnut, partnered with TACF to plant pure American seedlings for genetic conservation. This closes the loop: the people living in chestnut houses are now protecting the chestnut genes.
11.4 Transgenic Hope
The State University of New York (SUNY-ESF) has developed a transgenic chestnut (the "Darling 58") that contains a gene from wheat (OxO) that produces an enzyme to detoxify the fungal oxalic acid. This tree is not immune, but it tolerates the blight. If deregulated, these trees could be planted in the understory of Pocahontas County to pollinate the wild sprouts, passing the resistance gene to the wild population and potentially resurrecting the species in the wild.
XII. Cultural Memory: The Spirit of the Mountains
The trauma of the blight is etched into the cultural memory of Pocahontas County.
12.1 Oral Histories
Interviews with elders in the region reveal a deep sense of loss. They speak of the physical labor of gathering nuts—"bushels of them"—and the taste of the roasted mast. But they also speak of the visual shock. One resident of the region noted, "It was like the mountains turned to skeletons." The white, dead snags standing against the green backdrop of the surviving forest were a constant reminder of the disaster for twenty years.
12.2 The Aesthetic Legacy
The use of "wormy chestnut" in local architecture has become a badge of Appalachian identity. In homes, lodges, and restaurants throughout the county, the presence of this wood is a status symbol and a connection to history. It turns the scar of the blight into a thing of beauty, a way of honoring the lost giant.
The West Virginia Chestnut Festival, held annually in nearby Rowlesburg (Preston County), draws attendees from Pocahontas County and celebrates this heritage with the crowning of a "Mr. and Ms. Chestnut" and the roasting of nuts, keeping the cultural practice alive even as the biological resource is absent.
XIII. Conclusion: The King in Exile
The Great Chestnut Timber Blight of Pocahontas County was a singular event in environmental history. It was a perfect storm of biological invasion, industrial exploitation, and ecological collapse. The removal of Castanea dentata stripped the Allegheny Highlands of their most generous provider, impoverished the rural economy, and left a void in the canopy that the forest is still struggling to fill.
The industrial machine of the WVP&P and the Howes Tannery ensured that the death of the forest was not a slow decay but a rapid, total liquidation. The CCC, in its attempt to heal the land, ended up building monuments to the very species they were clearing.
Yet, the story is not a eulogy. The persistence of the root sprouts in the understory of Watoga and Droop Mountain is a biological defiance. The active restoration work by local volunteers, the establishment of conservation orchards, and the potential of new scientific breakthroughs suggest that the "King" is not dead, but merely in exile.
As one walks the trails of the Cranberry Wilderness or the Greenbrier River Trail today, the ghost of the chestnut is everywhere—in the stump sprouts fighting for light, in the "wormy" logs of the park cabins, and in the very composition of the soil. The restoration of the American chestnut to the ridges of Pocahontas County would represent more than just a botanical success; it would be the healing of a century-old wound, a restoration of the "commons," and the return of the sovereign to its throne.
XIV. Data Appendix
Table 2: Timeline of the Chestnut Blight in Pocahontas County, WV
Table 3: Economic Utilization of the American Chestnut in Pocahontas County
Table 4: Ecological Replacement Matrix (Post-Blight Succession)
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