An Antebellum Portrait: Pocahontas County on the Western Virginia Frontier
Pocahontas County, Virginia, situated within the rugged Allegheny Mountains of what would eventually become West Virginia, presented a distinct tableau of antebellum life, markedly different from the eastern, plantation-dominated regions of the Commonwealth. Formally established by an act of the Virginia General Assembly on December 21, 1821, its territory was carved primarily from Bath County, with smaller contributions from Randolph and Pendleton counties.1
As a relatively young jurisdiction in the decades leading to the Civil War, Pocahontas County grappled with the inherent challenges and nascent opportunities of frontier development. Its considerable land area, spanning 941.6 square miles, initially supported a sparse population, which posed difficulties for internal communication, governance, and the establishment of a cohesive social and economic infrastructure.1
The county’s geography, characterized as the "Birthplace of Rivers" due to its elevated terrain feeding waters into the Greenbrier, Gauley, Elk, Jackson, South Branch of the Potomac, Cheat, and Tygart river systems, profoundly shaped its destiny.3 This mountainous landscape, while offering natural beauty and resources, also dictated settlement patterns, agricultural possibilities, and the county's relative isolation in its early years. This initial remoteness, a common feature of frontier regions defined by challenging topography and underdeveloped infrastructure, likely contributed to the fostering of a distinct local culture and a spirit of self-reliance among its inhabitants.
However, the concerted efforts to improve transportation in the years before the Civil War, notably the development of turnpikes connecting the county to areas like Warm Springs, Lewisburg, Huttonsville, and the crucial Staunton-Parkersburg route, signaled a gradual yet significant move towards reducing this isolation.1 This evolving connectivity created a dynamic tension: an ingrained local identity forged in isolation increasingly encountered the broader socio-political currents of Virginia and the nation, setting the stage for the complex allegiances that would define the county during the secession crisis.
The very name chosen for the county—"Pocahontas, Indian Princess, the friend of the Jamestown settlers"—is a powerful symbolic link to Virginia's foundational colonial narrative.3 This choice is particularly intriguing given that by the time of significant European encroachment into the Greenbrier Valley in the mid-18th century, permanent Native American settlements were largely absent from the immediate area that would become Pocahontas County, though it was recognized and utilized by various tribes, notably as hunting grounds by the Iroquois Confederacy.1 The Virginia General Assembly's decision to bestow such a historically resonant name upon a new, western, and geographically distinct county may be interpreted as an endeavor to assert and maintain a unified Virginian identity across its diverse and expanding territories.
This act of naming could reflect an underlying aspiration by the state government in Richmond to culturally and politically bind these newer frontier regions to the historical heartland of Virginia, even as significant economic, social, and political distinctions between the eastern and western portions of the state were becoming increasingly pronounced. The overarching themes that emerge from an examination of antebellum Pocahontas County thus revolve around this interplay of frontier development and gradual integration, the unique presence and nature of slavery within a predominantly non-plantation economy, and the complex, often contradictory, political loyalties of a western Virginia county poised on the precipice of national schism.
Forging a Community: Settlement, Formation, and Early Development (1821-1840s)
The story of Pocahontas County's formation is rooted in the broader narrative of westward expansion and the complex interactions between European settlers and Native American populations in the Virginia backcountry. While historical accounts indicate that Native Americans did not maintain "permanent settlements" in the immediate area at the specific time of the first European incursions, the land was undeniably known, traversed, and utilized by indigenous peoples.1
The powerful Iroquois Confederacy, for instance, claimed the region as hunting grounds by right of conquest over prior tribes, underscoring the contested nature of the territory and the inherent displacement that accompanied European settlement.4
The first European settlers widely acknowledged to have established a presence in what would become Pocahontas County were Jacob Marlin and Stephen Sewell. Around 1749, they made their way from Frederick, Maryland, to the vicinity of present-day Marlinton, at the confluence of Marlin Run and Knapp's Creek.1 The image of Sewell later found by surveyor Andrew Lewis living in a large hollow sycamore tree near their initial cabin vividly illustrates the rudimentary and challenging conditions of pioneer existence.4
Organized settlement efforts commenced in the early 1750s but were violently interrupted by the French and Indian War, during which Native American attacks compelled most settlers to abandon the Greenbrier Valley.1 Though settlement resumed in 1761, the region remained a dangerous frontier, with raids and conflicts persisting through the Revolutionary War period and into the early 1790s.1 The establishment of defensive structures such as Fort Clover Lick, garrisoned by Augusta County militia during the Revolution, Fort Greenbrier, built in 1775 and garrisoned by Andrew Lewis, and Fort Day (1774) at Mill Point, bear silent witness to this prolonged era of insecurity and struggle.3 This extended period of conflict, spanning from the 1750s to the 1790s, undoubtedly left an indelible mark on the character of the early European inhabitants.
The constant threat of attack would have fostered a society valuing resilience, self-defense, and strong community bonds for mutual protection. The collective memory of these hardships, passed down through generations, likely contributed to a distinctive local identity and a worldview characterized by wariness towards external threats, a trait that may have subtly influenced community dynamics and reactions to outsiders even as the county moved into the more settled antebellum period.
The formal establishment of Pocahontas County occurred when the Virginia General Assembly passed the enabling act on December 21, 1821.1 The new county's territory was primarily drawn from Bath County, with smaller portions ceded by Randolph and Pendleton counties, a detail of significance for understanding its administrative lineage and the ancestral roots of many of its families.1
Huntersville was designated as the first county seat, and it was here, in the home of John Bradshaw, that the first county court convened in March 1822, signaling the formal institution of legal and governmental structures.1 The choice of Huntersville, described as an "Early Trading Post" that attracted hunters and trappers, suggests that the initial economic and social locus of the county was tied to the exploitation of abundant wildlife and frontier trade.3
This indicates that the primary economic drivers at the time of the county's formation were likely centered on resource extraction and the typical patterns of a frontier exchange economy, preceding the more widespread development of settled agriculture that would characterize its later antebellum period, particularly the rise of the livestock industry.1
The 1830 census recorded 2,542 residents, a modest figure indicative of a sparsely populated but gradually growing frontier community.1
A critical factor in the county's early development and its efforts to mitigate its inherent isolation was the improvement of its road network in the years leading up to the Civil War.1 The establishment and enhancement of turnpikes, such as those connecting to Warm Springs, linking Lewisburg and Huttonsville, and the vital Staunton to Parkersburg Turnpike, significantly eased travel and facilitated the movement of goods.1 The Staunton-Parkersburg Turnpike, in particular, served as a major artery for western Virginia, and its strategic importance would become evident during the Civil War.6
A notable local infrastructure achievement was the construction of a bridge across the Greenbrier River at Marlins Bottom (Marlinton) between 1854 and 1856, further enhancing internal connectivity and commerce.1 These developments were crucial steps in transforming Pocahontas County from a remote outpost into a more integrated part of western Virginia.
The People of Pocahontas: A Demographic Profile on the Eve of War (c. 1820s-1860)
The population of Pocahontas County experienced steady, albeit not explosive, growth during the antebellum period, reflecting its rural character and somewhat challenging mountainous terrain. The 1830 census recorded 2,542 residents.1 This figure rose to 2,922 by 1840 1, reached 3,598 in 1850 4, and stood at 3,958 by 1860, on the eve of the Civil War.4 This gradual increase suggests a consistent pattern of settlement and natural growth typical of an Appalachian frontier county slowly maturing.
The white settler population formed the vast majority. Many of the county's founding families were of Scotch-Irish descent, a common demographic feature of the Appalachian frontier.2 However, the county was not entirely homogenous. A notable influx of Dutch immigrants occurred in 1847, and their descendants, including the family of the acclaimed author Pearl S. Buck, became part of the county's fabric.1
This presence of diverse European groups, even if the Scotch-Irish were predominant, indicates a degree of cultural intermingling. Such interactions, even on a small scale, could have subtly influenced local customs, agricultural techniques, and community organization, creating a social tapestry more varied than in areas with a more monolithic settler population.
The enslaved population in Pocahontas County was a consistent but numerically small component of its society. Enslaved individuals were present "from the earliest years," but their numbers remained limited primarily because the "farms were not large".1 This economic reality of smaller, mixed-agriculture farms, rather than large-scale cash-crop plantations, dictated a lesser demand for enslaved labor compared to eastern Virginia. The 1850 census enumerated 267 enslaved individuals, who constituted 7.4% of the county's total population.7
By the 1860 census, the number of enslaved persons had slightly decreased to 252, representing approximately 6.4% of the total population.4 This figure stands in stark contrast to many eastern Virginia counties where enslaved people often comprised the majority of the population and formed the backbone of a plantation-based economy.9 The slight decline in both the absolute number and the percentage of the enslaved population in Pocahontas County between 1850 and 1860 is a noteworthy demographic detail.
While not a dramatic shift, it runs counter to the prevailing narrative of an ever-expanding and intensifying slave system across much of the South in the decade before the war. This local trend could be attributed to various factors, such as economic shifts making certain forms of slave labor less viable, the sale of enslaved individuals out of the county (potentially to the burgeoning cotton-producing regions of the Deep South, a known pattern of the internal slave trade 9), or possibly localized instances of manumission or flight, though the latter became more pronounced during the war itself.4 This demographic nuance suggests that the institution of slavery in Pocahontas County may have been less economically dynamic or entrenched compared to other parts of Virginia.
The Free Black population is a demographic category that was distinctly enumerated in the federal censuses of 1850 and 1860, separate from both enslaved individuals and the white population.10 Schedule 1 of the census, "Free Inhabitants," included designations for "white, black, or mulatto".11 While statewide figures for Virginia's "free coloreds" are available (for instance, 58,042 in 1860 14), the summarized census data for Pocahontas County provided in the available materials 7 does not offer a specific count for this group within the county.
Ascertaining the precise number of free Black residents in antebellum Pocahontas County would necessitate a detailed examination of the original manuscript census schedules, specifically looking for individuals identified as "black" or "mulatto" under the "Free Inhabitants" schedules. Without such granular analysis of records beyond the provided summaries, this report acknowledges the category's existence but cannot quantify it for Pocahontas County based solely on the available documentation.
The following table summarizes the available population data for Pocahontas County during the antebellum period:
Population Dynamics in Pocahontas County, Virginia, 1830-1860
Footnote 1: Calculated as Total Population minus Enslaved Population. This figure would be reduced if/when specific Free Black population numbers are identified for the county.
This demographic profile illustrates a community growing at a moderate pace, predominantly composed of white settlers engaged in small-scale farming, with a small but persistent enslaved African American population and an unquantified number of free Black residents.
Lifeblood of the Land: Economy and Livelihoods in a Mountain County
The economy of antebellum Pocahontas County was overwhelmingly agrarian, with its character shaped by the mountainous terrain and the nature of its settlement. Unlike the cash-crop monocultures of eastern Virginia, the county's agricultural system was based on smaller farms and a mixed approach, with a significant emphasis on livestock.1 Official descriptions from the period highlight this: "Pocahontas is a fine grazing county, and the support of the people is mainly derived from their flocks, cattle, horses, and sheep which they drive over the mountains to market".5 This reliance on livestock was facilitated by "excellent grazing lands in the Little Levels and other areas," which supported the nascent stages of an industry that would remain vital to the region.1
The general farming practices in western Virginia during this era involved cultivating a variety of field and garden crops, primarily for household subsistence and local markets.15 It was typical for nearly every farm to possess a few milk cows, a flock of hens, some sheep for wool and mutton, horses or mules for draft power (and occasionally work oxen), and a drove of hogs that often roamed freely, foraging in the extensive woodlands.15 This diversified subsistence base was fundamental to the survival and relative self-sufficiency of the farming families.
In terms of specific agricultural products, livestock was paramount. Cattle, sheep, horses, and hogs were the mainstays.1 The practice of driving livestock "over the mountains to market" clearly indicates a commercial dimension to this activity, extending beyond mere local consumption.5 This early integration into a broader regional market economy, despite the geographical impediments, was a defining feature of the county's antebellum economy.
Livestock, being self-transporting, was an ideal commodity for a mountainous region where the movement of bulkier agricultural products would have been considerably more challenging and costly prior to the development of more sophisticated transportation networks. This suggests that while Pocahontas County might have been isolated in some respects, its economy possessed an outward-looking component from a relatively early stage, driven by its most viable export.
While detailed specifics for antebellum Pocahontas County crop cultivation are not extensively provided, the general patterns of western Virginia agriculture suggest the importance of grains such as corn, wheat, and buckwheat.16 The necessity of grist mills for processing these grains further supports their cultivation for local food needs. Tobacco, a dominant cash crop in other parts of Virginia 17, was likely not a major product in Pocahontas County due to the mountainous terrain and cooler climate, which were generally unsuitable for large-scale tobacco plantation agriculture.9
Early industries in Pocahontas County were primarily small-scale and served local needs. Grist mills, essential for grinding locally grown grain into flour and meal, were a common feature in most rural communities.20 Sawmills also operated, providing the lumber necessary for constructing homes, barns, and other essential structures.20 While a significant "timber boom" fueled by railroad access would transform the county's landscape and economy after the Civil War 1, the local utilization of timber for building materials and fuel was an indispensable part of the antebellum economy from its inception.
The statement that "farms were not large" 1 carries significant implications for understanding the county's social structure and the nature of its labor systems, including slavery. Smaller farmsteads typically correlate with fewer enslaved individuals per holding. This, in turn, often meant a more direct, though still inherently unequal and coercive, relationship between the farm owner and any enslaved persons, potentially involving the owner and their family working alongside enslaved laborers.
This contrasts sharply with the large, impersonal labor gangs and complex managerial hierarchies found on the extensive plantations of eastern Virginia. This characteristic of smaller farms helps to explain the comparatively low percentage of enslaved people in the county's overall population and suggests that the daily experiences of both the enslavers and the enslaved in Pocahontas County would have differed considerably from those in regions dominated by the plantation system.
Transportation improvements played a crucial role in connecting Pocahontas County to outside markets and reducing its isolation. The development of turnpikes, including the Warm Springs Turnpike, the route between Lewisburg and Huttonsville, and the strategically important Staunton to Parkersburg Turnpike, facilitated the movement of people and goods, including the livestock driven to market.1 These infrastructural advancements were vital for the commercial aspects of the county's agricultural economy.
The Fabric of Society: Daily Life, Culture, and Institutions
The social fabric of antebellum Pocahontas County was woven from the experiences of its settlers adapting to a mountainous frontier environment, establishing communities, and developing institutions to support their religious, educational, and social needs. Daily life for the majority of the population revolved around the rhythms of agriculture and the demands of a largely self-sufficient existence.
Early European settlers in the Virginia backcountry, a region encompassing Pocahontas County, typically began their lives in modest dwellings. One-room log cabins were often the first shelters constructed, built by family members with the assistance of neighbors, and perhaps an indentured servant or enslaved individual if the settler had the means.23
A tangible example from Pocahontas County is the Kee Cabin, a two-story hand-hewn log structure dating from the 1830s or 1840s. Located south of Marlinton on Kee Flats, this cabin was home to the Kee family, who reportedly raised eight children within its walls, offering a glimpse into the housing and family life of the period.24 The process of establishing a farm involved arduous labor: clearing land by cutting away brush, felling large trees with axes, or killing them through the practice of "girdling".23 Settlers often learned from and adapted some Native American farming and hunting techniques more suited to the Appalachian environment than traditional European methods.23
The broader Virginia backcountry was characterized by "open-country neighborhoods of dispersed but usually contiguous farmsteads," often with intermixed ethnic groups such as German, Scotch-Irish, and English settlers.26 These communities engaged in a constant local trade of agricultural surpluses, labor, and artisan services.26 Grist mills, beyond their economic function, frequently served as important social gathering places for the men of the community, particularly on Saturdays.21
The "Historical Sketches of Pocahontas County" compiled by William Price allude to the "methods and customs of early settlers," suggesting a rich body of local traditions and unwritten rules that governed community interactions.2
Religious life took root early in Pocahontas County. The first church is believed to have been the White Pole Meeting House, a Methodist structure built before the Revolutionary War, which continues its legacy today as the Wesley Chapel United Methodist Church in Hillsboro.1 Additionally, a Presbyterian congregation was formally organized in the Hillsboro area between 1783 and 1788.1 The early establishment of these denominations, primarily Methodist and Presbyterian, is consistent with the religious landscape of the American frontier, particularly in areas settled by Scotch-Irish immigrants and influenced by the waves of the Great Awakening.
This coexistence of different denominations from an early stage points to a degree of religious pluralism, a characteristic noted in the Virginia backcountry.26 This contrasted with the historical dominance of the Anglican Church in colonial eastern Virginia and suggests a social environment in Pocahontas County where various religious traditions could flourish, potentially contributing to a more diverse array of social networks and community values.
Education also received attention from the county's early days, with references to schools existing as far back as the 1790s.1
A particularly significant development occurred in 1842 when the Virginia General Assembly chartered three academies within the county—located at Green Bank, Hillsboro, and Huntersville. These institutions were specifically intended for "the preparation of students for the University of Virginia".1 The creation of these academies signifies a notable aspiration for social and intellectual advancement within Pocahontas County, despite its frontier setting. Academies of this nature were typically secondary institutions, offering a more advanced curriculum than common schools and often requiring tuition.
Their explicit mission to prepare students for the state's premier university indicates a desire among some in the county to connect with the established cultural and educational standards of eastern Virginia. This development may reflect the ambitions of an emerging local leadership or elite class seeking broader opportunities for their children, or a state-level initiative to elevate and integrate the western counties. It certainly counters any simplistic portrayal of the backcountry as uniformly unconcerned with higher forms of formal education and suggests a local commitment to providing pathways to advanced learning.
Slavery in the Highlands: Nature and Impact in Pocahontas County
The institution of slavery, while a legal and social reality throughout antebellum Virginia, manifested differently in Pocahontas County compared to the large-scale, plantation-based systems prevalent in the eastern parts of the state. The defining characteristic of slavery in this mountainous region was its limited extent, a direct consequence of the prevailing agricultural economy. As noted, "Slaves were present from the earliest years but not in extensive numbers, as farms were not large".1
This observation is corroborated by census data: in 1850, there were 267 enslaved individuals in Pocahontas County, accounting for 7.4% of the total population.7 By 1860, this number had slightly decreased to 252, or approximately 6.4% of the county's populace.4 These figures underscore that enslaved people constituted a small minority, a stark contrast to eastern Virginia counties where they often formed a majority and their labor was the linchpin of the economy.9 The geography and environmental conditions of the Appalachian region, including Pocahontas County, were generally discouraging to the development of large plantations that relied on extensive enslaved workforces.9 Historical analysis suggests that slaveholders in these western areas typically did not maintain more than fifteen enslaved individuals on average per holding.9
The economic role of enslaved individuals in Pocahontas County, given the agricultural focus on livestock and mixed farming on smaller landholdings, was likely concentrated in general farm labor, land clearing, tending to animals, and domestic service within households. While specific records detailing the precise tasks performed by enslaved people in Pocahontas County are not abundant in the provided materials, general information about slavery in Virginia indicates that enslaved individuals were utilized in a wide array of agricultural tasks, as well as skilled trades such as blacksmithing and carpentry, and various domestic roles including cooking, cleaning, and childcare.27
The concept of the "economy of the enslaved," wherein enslaved persons might cultivate small garden plots, raise poultry, or engage in other minor economic activities for their own sustenance or limited trade 29, could have existed in Pocahontas County, though direct evidence for this specific local practice is not detailed in the available sources.
Direct information regarding the specific living conditions, housing arrangements, or local laws and customs pertaining uniquely to the enslaved population of Pocahontas County is sparse in the provided documentation. However, general descriptions of slave life in Virginia offer a grim picture.
Housing for enslaved people varied widely, from rudimentary barracks-style accommodations to family-sized log cabins, often dependent on the wealth of the enslaver and the size of the holding.30 Given the prevalence of small farms in Pocahontas, enslaved individuals may have lived in simpler cabins or in quarters situated in close proximity to their enslaver's dwelling. Across the South, enslaved people commonly faced inadequate diets, crude and poorly constructed living quarters that offered little protection from the elements, and a constant vulnerability to disease exacerbated by relentless hard labor.27
The ever-present threat of being sold away from family and community was a profound and pervasive horror that shaped the lives of enslaved individuals.27 Resistance to this oppressive system took myriad forms, from slowing the pace of work and feigning illness to more overt acts like destroying property or attempting to escape.27 The fact that a significant number of Pocahontas County's 252 enslaved individuals reportedly fled during Union troop movements later in the Civil War 4 is a testament to their enduring desire for freedom.
The limited scale of slavery in Pocahontas County likely had significant implications for the county's overall social, economic, and political dynamics. Unlike regions where the institution was deeply entrenched and economically dominant, slavery in Pocahontas did not define the livelihoods of the majority of the white population. This could have fostered a different social dynamic among white non-slaveholders, small slaveholders, and the few, if any, larger slaveholders. It might have led to a situation where support for the institution of slavery itself was less monolithic or intense, even if racial prejudices were still widely held.
Furthermore, the slight decrease in the enslaved population between 1850 and 1860, in a county that would later vote overwhelmingly in favor of secession 1, presents a complex picture. This demographic trend suggests that the county's strong pro-secession stance may have been driven by a confluence of factors extending beyond the immediate economic interest in an expanding slave system.
Broader Southern identity, adherence to states' rights ideology, deeply ingrained cultural ties to Virginia, or anxieties about federal overreach (the "Black Republican" threat articulated in some secessionist rhetoric 31) could have played more significant roles in shaping local political sentiment than the direct economic imperative of protecting a large and growing investment in enslaved labor.
This indicates that the motivations for secession in areas like Pocahontas County were not necessarily a simple calculus of economic dependence on slavery but rather a more intricate interplay of identity, ideology, and perceived threats to their way of life and political autonomy.
A County Divided?: Political Currents and the Secession Crisis (1850s-1861)
The political landscape of western Virginia in the decades leading up to the Civil War was fraught with tension. Many residents of the western counties, including those in areas that would eventually form West Virginia, harbored significant grievances against the eastern-dominated state legislature. They often felt underrepresented in Richmond, unfairly burdened by taxation policies that favored eastern slaveholding interests, and consistently shortchanged in terms of state expenditures for internal improvements and public services.19
The rugged, mountainous terrain of much of western Virginia rendered large-scale plantation agriculture impractical, resulting in significantly fewer enslaved people per capita compared to the east. This economic disparity fueled resentment among westerners towards the political power wielded by eastern slave owners.19 Tax policies were a particular point of contention; for example, the practice of exempting enslaved children under the age of twelve from taxation, or taxing other enslaved individuals at a nominal rate while land and livestock were taxed at their full value, was widely perceived by westerners as inequitable and designed to benefit the slaveholding elite.32
Despite these widespread western Virginia grievances, Pocahontas County charted a starkly different political course as the secession crisis reached its zenith. The county's voters demonstrated overwhelming support for Virginia's secession from the Union, casting 360 votes in favor to a mere 13 against.1 This decisive pro-secession stance is a critical characteristic distinguishing Pocahontas County from many of its more Unionist-leaning western neighbors.
The county's commitment to the nascent Confederacy was further evidenced by its actions: it levied $15,000 for armaments and, out of approximately 907 men of military age, provided nearly 700 soldiers to the Confederate army.4 This level of support indicates a profound alignment with the Southern cause. The strong secessionist sentiment in Pocahontas County suggests that local factors—perhaps influential leadership, a deeply ingrained sense of Virginian identity that superseded regional western grievances, or particular economic or social ties—played a more dominant role in shaping public opinion than the anti-eastern sentiments prevalent elsewhere in the west. This divergence challenges any monolithic interpretation of "western Virginia" as uniformly pro-Union and highlights the importance of county-level dynamics in the secession crisis.
At the pivotal Virginia Secession Convention of 1861, Pocahontas County was represented by Paul McNeil (often recorded as McNeel).33 The convention faced two crucial votes on the Ordinance of Secession. On April 4, 1861, an initial vote to secede failed, with most delegates from west of the Blue Ridge Mountains, where enslaved populations were smaller, voting to remain in the Union.34
While Paul McNeil's specific vote on April 4th is not explicitly detailed as 'for' or 'against' in the readily available summaries, one source compiling delegate actions notes him with a symbol indicating he later "signed Ordinance of Secession".33 The political atmosphere shifted dramatically following the events at Fort Sumter and President Lincoln's subsequent call for troops to suppress the rebellion.
This call was perceived by many Virginians, including conditional Unionists, as an act of federal coercion. Consequently, when the Ordinance of Secession was brought to another vote on April 17, 1861, it passed by a vote of 88 to 55.35 Regarding Paul McNeil's action on this decisive day, evidence suggests a nuanced position: he reportedly abstained or was absent from the April 17 vote but subsequently changed his stance and signed the Ordinance of Secession.33
This progression—from potential hesitation or absence to eventual endorsement—may reflect the immense pressures delegates faced, the rapidly evolving political landscape, or a personal reconciliation with the dominant sentiment within his home county and the state. It hints at the profound internal struggles and evolving convictions that characterized this tumultuous period for many Virginia leaders. Later in 1861, further demonstrating pro-Confederate activity linked to the county, Robert Edwin Cowan and Charles James Pindall Cresap were elected at a special poll held at Camp Bartow in Pocahontas County to replace expelled western delegates to the convention; both men also signed the Ordinance of Secession.39
As the movement to create a new, Union-loyal state of West Virginia gained momentum, Pocahontas County's trajectory remained aligned with the Confederacy. The Second Wheeling Convention resolutions included Pocahontas County in a list of counties that could be added to the proposed new state if their voters approved such a measure.41 However, Pocahontas County, along with seven other counties, "never participated in any of the polls initiated by the Wheeling government, but they were still included in the new state".41
Consequently, the county was incorporated into West Virginia in 1863 "without the input of the citizens".4 This inclusion, particularly in light of the county's strong pro-secession vote and its non-participation in the formation referenda, strongly suggests that its incorporation into the new Unionist state was primarily a strategic or territorial decision made by the Wheeling government and ratified by the U.S. Congress, rather than an expression of local popular will at that time. This forced inclusion likely sowed seeds of future political readjustment and potential resentment within the county, especially given that after the war, most of its voters were temporarily disfranchised due to their support for the Confederacy.4
During the war, Pocahontas County continued to be represented in the Virginia General Assembly that aligned with the Confederate States of America. James T. Lockridge served as a delegate from 1861 to 1863, followed by William L. McNeil from 1863 to 1865. Joseph A. Alderson represented a senatorial district that included Pocahontas County during this period.42
At the West Virginia Constitutional Convention (1861-1863), Pocahontas was one of the counties added to the original 39 counties planned for the new state.43 While it's unclear if Pocahontas had distinct representation at the initial sessions of this convention, records show that by the reconvened session in February 1863, most counties, implicitly including Pocahontas, sent representatives.41 Benton Griffin of Pocahontas is listed as a delegate to the first West Virginia Legislature, representing a district that included both Webster and Pocahontas counties.45
Conclusion: Pocahontas County at a Crossroads
On the eve of the American Civil War, Pocahontas County, Virginia, stood as a testament to the complexities of the antebellum Appalachian frontier. Formed just four decades prior, it was a developing region, its economy primarily rooted in agriculture, with a distinct emphasis on livestock suited to its mountainous terrain.1 Unlike the eastern Tidewater and Piedmont regions of Virginia, large-scale plantation agriculture and the extensive slave labor system it demanded were not characteristic of Pocahontas County. While slavery was present, with 252 enslaved individuals recorded in 1860, they constituted a small percentage of the overall population, and farms were generally small.1 This demographic and economic profile set it apart from areas where the "peculiar institution" was the dominant economic engine and social organizing principle.
Despite these differences from eastern Virginia, and in contrast to the Unionist leanings of many other western Virginia counties that would eventually form the state of West Virginia, Pocahontas County exhibited a remarkably strong pro-secession stance. The county's overwhelming vote of 360 to 13 in favor of Virginia's secession from the Union, and its subsequent commitment of manpower and resources to the Confederate cause, underscored a deep alignment with the broader Southern sentiment, or at least with the prevailing political will of the Commonwealth of Virginia.1 This decision positioned Pocahontas County firmly with the Confederacy, even as forces were already in motion that would lead to its unwilling incorporation into the new, Union-loyal state of West Virginia in 1863—a transition made "without the input of the citizens".4
The antebellum experience of Pocahontas County thus encapsulates a microcosm of the broader tensions that fractured the nation. It reflects the persistent struggle between local or regional identity and broader state or national allegiances. It demonstrates the varied and complex nature of slavery, which, even when not economically dominant in a particular locale, remained an inescapable part of the Southern legal and social order, influencing political choices in ways that were not always directly tied to the immediate economic interests of the majority.
The profound impact of geographical factors on the county's economic development, social structure, and even its political outlook is also evident. As the Civil War dawned, Pocahontas County stood at a profound crossroads, its future to be irrevocably shaped by a conflict it largely supported but whose outcome would place it within a new state to which it had not consented. The story of antebellum Pocahontas County is a compelling example of how local conditions, regional influences, and a national crisis converged to determine the destiny of a community during America's most divisive and transformative period.
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