The Peculiar Institution in the Mountains: Slavery in Pocahontas County, West Virginia, 1821-1865I. Introduction: Pocahontas County and the Context of Virginia Slavery
The history of Pocahontas County, West Virginia, is inextricably linked to the broader narrative of slavery in the Commonwealth of Virginia. Understanding the institution's presence and function within this mountainous region requires acknowledging the deeply entrenched legal, social, and economic system it inherited upon its formation.
A. Virginia's Entrenched Institution
By the time Pocahontas County was carved out of existing Virginia counties in 1821, the institution of chattel slavery had been evolving and solidifying in the colony and state for over two centuries. The arrival of the first Africans at Point Comfort in August 1619 marked a pivotal moment, although the initial status of these individuals involved complexities debated by historians.1 Initially, some Africans may have occupied a status similar to white indentured servants.1 However, the economic demands of tobacco cultivation, Virginia's burgeoning cash crop introduced by John Rolfe 5, coupled with developing racial prejudices, spurred a transition towards a permanent, hereditary system of enslavement based on race.
Key legislative actions cemented this transformation. In 1661, the Virginia General Assembly formally recognized the right of free persons to own slaves.1 Subsequent laws further restricted the rights of enslaved Africans and African Americans. A 1662 law decreed that children born to enslaved mothers would inherit their mother's status, regardless of the father's race or status, directly benefiting enslavers who exploited enslaved women.6 A 1667 law explicitly stated that baptism into Christianity did not alter an individual's enslaved status, removing a potential path to freedom and easing the conscience of enslavers claiming to save souls while perpetuating bondage.6 By 1669, laws effectively shielded enslavers from prosecution for the death of an enslaved person during "correction".6
This legislative trajectory culminated in the Virginia Slave Codes of 1705, formally titled "An act concerning Servants and Slaves".7 These codes consolidated disparate laws into a comprehensive legal framework that governed nearly every aspect of an enslaved person's life. They established enslaved people as real estate (property), regulated their movement, prohibited them from carrying weapons, denied them legal standing in courts, formalized punishments, and reinforced the power of the enslaver.6 The codes also aimed to socially segregate Black and white populations, hindering potential alliances.7 This legal scaffolding, built over generations, ensured that slavery was not merely present but fundamental to Virginia's identity and legal structure long before Pocahontas County existed. The long history and meticulous legal codification meant that any new county formed within Virginia automatically inherited this brutal and complex system; its existence was a legal default, not a local option.
B. Formation of Pocahontas County (1821)
Pocahontas County was officially established on December 21, 1821, formed from portions of Bath, Pendleton, and Randolph counties.8 Situated in the Allegheny Mountains region of what was then western Virginia, its geography differed significantly from the Tidewater and Piedmont regions where plantation agriculture dominated.8 This mountainous terrain, characterized by valleys and ridges, would influence the scale and nature of the local economy and, consequently, the application of enslaved labor.
However, its geographical distinction did not exempt it from Virginia's legal framework. Upon its creation, Pocahontas County was fully subject to all existing Virginia laws, including the comprehensive slave codes.7 Enslavers within the new county possessed the full legal rights to own, buy, sell, and control enslaved individuals as property, while the enslaved population faced the same legal disabilities and lack of rights as those elsewhere in Virginia. The county's legal status regarding slavery was thus predetermined by state law; the institution was present and protected within its borders from the moment of its inception. While the legal framework was identical to that in eastern Virginia, the county's distinct geography suggested from the outset that the manifestation of slavery—its economic integration and demographic weight—might differ from the large-scale plantation systems common east of the Blue Ridge Mountains.10
II. Demographics of Slavery in Pocahontas County (1830-1860)
Quantifying the presence of enslaved people in Pocahontas County is essential for understanding the institution's scale and impact. Federal census records provide the primary source for this demographic data, though they come with significant limitations, particularly regarding the enslaved population.
A. Accessing the Data
The United States Federal Census was conducted every ten years, and records for Virginia, including the counties that would later form West Virginia, are available for the period before the Civil War.12 Microfilm copies and increasingly, digitized versions, provide access to these records.12 However, the nature of the data collected evolved. Censuses prior to 1850 (i.e., 1830 and 1840) listed only the name of the head of household, enumerating other household members, including enslaved individuals, only by age ranges, sex, and race.12
Beginning in 1850, the census included separate "Slave Schedules." These schedules listed the names of slave owners but, tragically reflecting the dehumanization inherent in the system, did not list enslaved individuals by name. Instead, they were enumerated under their owner's name only by age, sex, and color (Black or Mulatto).12 This practice makes tracing specific enslaved individuals and families extremely difficult, often requiring correlation with other records like wills, deeds, or plantation accounts where names might appear.2 Mortality schedules, listing persons who died in the year preceding the census, also exist for 1850 and 1860 and sometimes contain information relevant to enslaved individuals.12
B. Population Trends
The total population of Pocahontas County grew steadily in the decades leading up to the Civil War, from 2,542 in 1830 to 3,958 in 1860.17 Analyzing the number of enslaved people alongside the total and free Black populations reveals the relative demographic weight of slavery within the county.
(Note: While the provided snippets confirm the existence of census data 12 and give total population figures 17, they do not contain the specific number of enslaved individuals for Pocahontas County in the 1830, 1840, and 1850 censuses. The table below includes the known total population figures and the enslaved population figure mentioned during the Civil War 17, representing the 1860 baseline. The specific census figures for enslaved and free Black populations for 1830-1850 would need to be retrieved directly from the respective census schedules.)
Table 1: Population of Pocahontas County, 1830-1860
Data Source: US Federal Census Records.12 Specific enslaved and free Black figures for 1830-1850 require external lookup. The 1860 enslaved figure is derived from the count mentioned during the war.17 Percentage Enslaved for 1860 is calculated using the ca. 1861 figure against the 1860 total population.
This table, once fully populated, would quantify the presence of slavery and allow for tracking demographic shifts over thirty critical years. The percentage of the population held in bondage is a key indicator of slavery's prevalence relative to other regions.
C. Regional Comparison
Even without the precise figures for every census year, the available information and regional context strongly suggest that the enslaved population constituted a relatively small percentage of Pocahontas County's total population compared to other parts of Virginia. A map illustrating the distribution of Virginia's enslaved population in 1860 clearly shows the highest concentrations east of the Blue Ridge Mountains, particularly in the "tobacco belt" counties where enslaved people often formed the majority of the population.10 Conversely, counties in the Shenandoah Valley and the Appalachian Mountains, including Pocahontas, had significantly lower numbers due to geographical factors less conducive to large-scale plantation agriculture.10 This pattern was typical of Appalachian slavery more broadly.11
While Pocahontas County's enslaved population was proportionally small, it existed within the context of Virginia having the largest enslaved population in the United States in 1860, numbering nearly half a million people.10 The relatively low percentage in Pocahontas County points towards a system where slavery, while legally sanctioned and undoubtedly impactful, may not have been the all-encompassing economic and social force it was in the Tidewater or Deep South. This aligns with historical models distinguishing between "slave societies," where slavery formed the bedrock of the economy and social order, and "societies with slaves," where slavery existed as one form of labor among others.11 However, as later sections will explore, this demographic reality coexisted with a strong political commitment to the Confederacy and the institution of slavery, complicating any simple categorization. The county's political behavior suggests that even a numerically smaller enslaved population did not diminish the ideological grip of slavery or the perceived threat of its abolition among the white majority.
III. The Economics of Enslavement in an Appalachian County
The economic landscape of antebellum Pocahontas County, shaped by its mountainous terrain, influenced how the institution of slavery functioned locally. While Virginia law provided the framework, the practical application of enslaved labor differed from the large-scale, cash-crop-focused systems prevalent elsewhere in the state.
A. Pocahontas County's Antebellum Economy
The economy of early Pocahontas County likely revolved around agriculture suited to its environment. William T. Price's historical sketches mention the methods and customs of early settlers, focusing on pioneering efforts in a region characterized by specific topography and climate.8 This suggests an economy based significantly on mixed farming, likely involving subsistence crops, livestock grazing, and perhaps the extraction of natural resources like timber. This contrasts sharply with the tobacco- and later cotton-driven plantation economies of eastern and southern Virginia.5 The difficulty in farming and harvesting crops during the Civil War due to troop enlistments underscores the importance of agriculture to the county's livelihood.17 While detailed specifics of Pocahontas's pre-war economic drivers are sparse in the provided materials, the Appalachian context points towards smaller farms and a more diversified agricultural output compared to monoculture plantation zones.11
B. The Role and Extent of Enslaved Labor
Given the likely prevalence of smaller farms and mixed agriculture, enslaved labor in Pocahontas County was probably utilized in a variety of tasks rather than being concentrated in large field gangs. Enslaved individuals likely worked alongside enslavers' families and potentially other free laborers, performing tasks related to planting, cultivating, and harvesting various crops, tending livestock, clearing land, and maintaining farm infrastructure.11 Domestic service within the enslaver's household would have been another significant role. Some enslaved individuals may also have possessed skilled trades (blacksmithing, carpentry, coopering, weaving) utilized on the farm or potentially hired out to others in the community.11
The concept of the "slaves' economy," wherein enslaved people engaged in independent production during their limited "off" time, might also have existed in Pocahontas County, albeit perhaps on a smaller scale than on large plantations.19 This could involve cultivating small garden plots, raising poultry, fishing, or hunting to supplement the often-meager provisions supplied by enslavers or even to sell for small amounts of cash or goods.19 While this offered a degree of autonomy and improved subsistence, it often ultimately benefited the enslaver, who could then provide less, thereby increasing profits.19 It also served as a tool of control, giving enslaved people a small investment in their location that might discourage attempts to flee.19
The experience of Tazewell County, another Appalachian Virginia county, offers a useful parallel. Research there indicates that while slavery was present and slaveholders wielded significant political and social power, enslaved labor was not the central productive force of the county's economy; it existed alongside other labor forms.11 This model—slavery being influential and politically significant but not the sole economic engine—may well apply to Pocahontas County.
The economic function of slavery in Pocahontas appears more diversified and integrated into smaller-scale operations. Enslaved individuals likely performed a wider range of tasks compared to the specialized labor seen on large plantations focused on a single cash crop. This integration into mixed farming and domestic settings shaped the daily realities of enslavement in this Appalachian context.
C. "Society with Slaves" vs. "Slave Society"
The demographic and economic evidence suggests Pocahontas County might be characterized more accurately as a "society with slaves" rather than a "slave society," according to the distinction popularized by historian Ira Berlin and discussed in the context of Tazewell County.11 In this model, slavery is one form of labor among many, and the economy is not wholly dependent upon it, unlike in a "slave society" where slavery is the dominant mode of production and the master-slave relationship shapes all social relations.11 The relatively small percentage of enslaved people and the likely mixed agricultural economy support this view for Pocahontas County.10
However, this categorization becomes complicated when considering the county's political behavior and social structure. The overwhelming vote in favor of secession (360 to 13) demonstrates a profound commitment to the Confederacy, whose cornerstone was the preservation of slavery.17 Furthermore, the list of known slaveholders includes prominent local figures, suggesting that, as in Tazewell County, slave ownership correlated with social standing and political influence.11 This indicates that even if not the absolute center of the economy, the ideology of slavery, the belief in racial hierarchy, and the political power vested in the institution and its defenders were deeply entrenched. Pocahontas County thus presents a nuanced case, challenging a rigid binary. Its economic profile aligns with a "society with slaves," but its political allegiance and the apparent social weight of slaveholding echo the characteristics of a "slave society," demonstrating how the defense of the institution could transcend its immediate economic dominance in a specific locale.
IV. Life Under Bondage: Conditions and Experiences in Pocahontas County
Reconstructing the daily lives and experiences of enslaved individuals in Pocahontas County is hampered by a scarcity of direct, first-hand accounts within the available sources. However, understanding the legal framework imposed by Virginia and piecing together fragments from local records and post-emancipation activities provides a partial picture.
A. General Conditions under Virginia Law
Life for enslaved people throughout Virginia, including Pocahontas County, was governed by the harsh realities of the state's slave codes.6 Legally defined as property (chattel), they could be bought, sold, inherited, or seized for debt, leading to the constant threat and reality of family separation. They were denied fundamental human rights: the right to own property, bear arms, testify against whites in court, legally marry, or control their own movement without permission.6 Education was typically forbidden. While enslavers were nominally required to provide basic food, clothing, and shelter, the quantity and quality varied greatly and were often inadequate, forcing enslaved people to supplement their subsistence through their own efforts.7 Enslavers held broad authority to inflict physical punishment, with little legal recourse available to the enslaved.6 Resistance, whether overt or covert, was met with severe repercussions. Escape was perilous, and even if successful, freedom remained precarious.7
B. Seeking Local Specificity
Direct testimonies from enslaved individuals specifically describing their lives in Pocahontas County are notably absent from the compiled research materials. This silence is common in historical records, reflecting the systemic denial of voice and literacy to the enslaved. Reconstructing their experiences requires careful work with fragmented evidence found in various archives and records. Potential sources include materials held by the West Virginia & Regional History Center (WVRHC) at WVU, such as county records (deeds, wills, court cases which sometimes mention enslaved individuals by name or circumstance), and personal papers of local families.16 William T. Price's "Historical Sketches of Pocahontas County," while primarily focused on white settlers, might contain incidental details.8 Genealogical resources, including census schedules (despite their limitations), vital records (birth registers were supposed to list enslaved children from 1853 2), and databases like "Unknown No Longer" or Freedmen's Bureau records, can also yield clues.2
One specific, though second-hand, mention comes from the reminiscences of Joseph H. Hill, a resident of nearby Summersville, who recalled his family's life in central West Virginia (including Pocahontas) during the Civil War and mentioned "their slaves".22 While filtered through the perspective of a white resident, such accounts might offer glimpses into local conditions.
Perhaps the most powerful, albeit indirect, evidence of the lived experience comes from the actions of the African American community after emancipation. The establishment of institutions like the Seebert Lane Colored School (land deeded 1876) 31 and the Pleasant Green Methodist Episcopal Church in Seebert (serving a congregation that included individuals born into slavery) 32 speaks volumes. The drive to create spaces for education, worship, and community organization immediately following freedom points to the resilience, aspirations, and networks forged during enslavement, despite the oppressive conditions. The lack of readily available narratives is itself a testament to the brutality of the system, which sought to erase individual identity and history. Yet, the emergence of these post-emancipation institutions demonstrates the enduring strength and agency of the community that survived bondage.
V. Slaveholders and Sites of Enslavement
Identifying the individuals who held others in bondage and the locations where enslavement occurred provides a more concrete understanding of how slavery operated within Pocahontas County.
A. Identifying Enslavers
While comprehensive lists are difficult to compile, some resources offer starting points. A category on the genealogical website WikiTree lists individuals identified as slave owners in Pocahontas County, Virginia (pre-West Virginia statehood).20 This list includes numerous surnames, such as: Arbogast, Auldridge, Baker, Barlow, Baxter, Beale, Beard, Brown, Buckley, Burgess, Burner, Burr, Callison, Carpenter, Clark, Cleek, Gammon, Gibson, Gillilan, Hannah, Hill, Lewis, Lightner, Lockridge, McClintic, McCutcheon, McGlaughlin, Miller, Moffett, Moore, Poage/Poague, Seebert, Shanklin, Sharp, Skeen, Wallace, Warwick, and Wooddell.20
It is crucial to recognize that such lists are likely incomplete and require verification and contextualization using primary sources like the US Census Slave Schedules for 1850 and 1860.12 These schedules, while not naming the enslaved, list owners and the number of individuals they held, allowing researchers to confirm slaveholding status and gauge the scale of individual holdings. County records like deeds of sale for enslaved people, wills bequeathing human property, and estate inventories can provide further confirmation and detail.16
The presence of individuals like Dr. Matthew Wallace of Mill Point, a physician whose papers are archived 22 and who is also listed as a slaveholder 20, indicates that slave ownership was not confined to full-time agriculturalists but extended to professionals and business owners within the county.22 This suggests that participation in the institution of slavery permeated various strata of the local white society.
Table 2: Documented Slaveholders in Pocahontas County (c. 1850/1860 - Partial List)
Data Source: Primarily 20, with supplemental information from.22 Number of Enslaved requires external lookup from US Census Slave Schedules.12
B. Potential Sites of Enslavement
Consistent with the model of a "society with slaves" in an Appalachian setting, large, formally named plantations common in eastern Virginia were likely rare or non-existent in Pocahontas County.10 Instead, sites of enslavement were primarily the farms, residences, and potentially businesses of the individual slaveholders scattered throughout the county.
Identifying these specific locations requires further research, correlating the names of slaveholders 20 with land ownership records (deeds, surveys) 22 and census enumeration districts. Mill Point is identified as the location associated with Dr. Matthew Wallace.20 The area around Seebert gained significance after emancipation as a center for the African American community, with the establishment of the Seebert Lane Colored School and the Pleasant Green M.E. Church.31 The fact that a Joseph Seebert is listed as a slaveholder 20 suggests a possible connection between antebellum enslavement patterns in that vicinity and the subsequent formation of a free Black community there. Mapping the landholdings of the identified enslavers would be necessary to pinpoint the specific farms and households where enslaved people lived and labored. The geography of slavery in Pocahontas was likely characterized by dispersal across numerous smaller units rather than concentration in a few large estates.
VI. War, Statehood, and the End of Slavery (1861-1865)
The American Civil War and the subsequent creation of West Virginia profoundly reshaped the landscape of slavery in Pocahontas County, ultimately leading to its abolition. The county's political alignment, the actions of the enslaved population, and the complex process of state formation all played crucial roles.
A. Pocahontas County and the Confederacy
Despite its location in western Virginia and a relatively small enslaved population compared to eastern counties, Pocahontas County demonstrated strong allegiance to the Confederacy. When Virginia voted on secession, Pocahontas County residents favored leaving the Union by a decisive margin of 360 to 13.17 The county backed this vote with substantial commitments, providing nearly 700 men (out of 907 eligible) to the Confederate army and levying $15,000 for armaments.17
This overwhelming support for secession in a county where slavery was not the absolute center of the economy highlights the complex motivations behind Confederate loyalty in the Appalachian region. While the defense of slavery as an institution and the preservation of white supremacy were undoubtedly central factors across the South 18, the Pocahontas vote suggests that factors beyond direct, large-scale economic dependence on enslaved labor were at play. Ideological commitment to states' rights (as perceived through the lens of protecting slavery), cultural ties to Virginia, fear of federal interference in local affairs (including the institution of slavery), and the political influence of local slaveholding elites likely combined to produce this strong pro-Confederate stance.11 The county's actions underscore how deeply the politics and ideology of slavery were interwoven into the fabric of society, even where its demographic footprint was smaller.36
B. The War's Impact on Slavery
The Civil War itself acted as a powerful agent in disrupting and dismantling slavery on the ground, irrespective of formal proclamations or legislation. The movement of both Union and Confederate troops through the mountainous terrain created instability and opportunity. For the enslaved population of Pocahontas County, the presence of Union forces, even temporary, offered pathways to freedom. Many of the county's approximately 252 enslaved individuals seized these opportunities, fleeing their enslavers, often heading towards Union lines.17 This phenomenon of self-emancipation, where enslaved people took direct action to liberate themselves by escaping bondage, was widespread across the Confederacy and areas occupied by Union troops.34 These individuals, often referred to as "contrabands" by the Union army, not only sought their own freedom but also provided intelligence and labor to the Union cause, actively participating in the destruction of the institution that bound them.34 The war also created general chaos, making it harder for enslavers to maintain control and surveillance, and disrupted agricultural production as white men enlisted.17 The conflict fundamentally weakened the structure of slavery in Pocahontas County through the courageous actions of those who refused to remain enslaved.
C. West Virginia Statehood and Emancipation
The formation of West Virginia in 1863 was a direct consequence of the Civil War and Virginia's secession, with the issue of slavery at its core.34 Unionist delegates from Virginia's western counties formed a Restored Government of Virginia, loyal to the Union, and petitioned Congress for statehood. However, the process was fraught with debate over slavery's future in the proposed new state.34
Initially, many West Virginia Unionists, while opposed to secession led by eastern slaveholders, were not necessarily abolitionists.35 Some sought statehood primarily to escape the political dominance of the eastern planter class, whom they blamed for dragging Virginia out of the Union.35 Debates ensued regarding whether the new state should permit slavery. Ultimately, under pressure from Congress, West Virginia was admitted to the Union on June 20, 1863, but only on the condition of adopting the Willey Amendment to its constitution. This amendment provided for the gradual emancipation of slaves born after the state's formation, not immediate abolition for all.34 Some statehood proponents even argued that emancipation, combined with restrictive laws against Black residency, would lead to a demographic "whitening" of the new state, revealing racist motivations intertwined with Unionism.34
Therefore, West Virginia entered the Union as a slave state, albeit one committed to gradual emancipation.34 This placed it in a unique position, distinct from both Confederate states and free states. Full and immediate emancipation for all enslaved people within West Virginia's borders did not come until February 3, 1865, when the state legislature passed an act abolishing slavery outright, slightly anticipating the ratification of the 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution.34 For the remaining enslaved population in Pocahontas County, freedom came not through a single event like the Emancipation Proclamation (which exempted loyal border states and areas under Union control, including West Virginia initially), but through this complex interplay of self-liberation, the pressures of war, federal mandates tied to statehood, and finally, state legislative action.35
VII. Transition to Freedom: The Post-Emancipation Era in Pocahontas County
The end of slavery, finalized in West Virginia in February 1865, marked the beginning of a new and challenging era for formerly enslaved African Americans in Pocahontas County. Transitioning from bondage to freedom involved navigating immense social, economic, and political obstacles while simultaneously building community institutions.
A. Challenges and Adjustments
Freedom did not automatically equate to equality or prosperity. Formerly enslaved individuals and families in Pocahontas County, like those across the South, faced daunting challenges. Generations of unpaid labor left them without land, capital, or material resources. Access to education had been denied under slavery, leaving most illiterate. They entered a free labor market often dominated by their former enslavers and faced deeply ingrained racism and hostility from segments of the white population intent on maintaining social control and a racial hierarchy.34 New labor arrangements, such as sharecropping or tenant farming, often trapped Black families in cycles of debt and dependency, echoing patterns seen across the post-bellum South.37 While West Virginia did not implement Black Codes as severe as some Deep South states, restrictive laws and discriminatory practices persisted, limiting opportunities and reinforcing second-class citizenship.34
The Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands (Freedmen's Bureau), established by the federal government in 1865, aimed to assist the transition by providing aid, supervising labor contracts, establishing schools, and ensuring justice in courts.16 While the extent of Freedmen's Bureau activities specifically within Pocahontas County is not detailed in the provided sources, its records remain a valuable potential source for understanding the immediate post-war years.16 Similarly, while no branch of the Freedman's Savings Bank was located in Pocahontas, individuals might have interacted with branches elsewhere, and its records offer genealogical insights.16
B. Building Community
Despite these formidable obstacles, the African American community in Pocahontas County actively worked to define freedom on their own terms and build institutions to support their collective future. The rapid emergence of independent Black churches and schools is powerful evidence of this agency and determination.
Education was a high priority. The Seebert Lane Colored School, also known as the Pleasant Green School or Hillsboro School, stands as a testament to this commitment. Land for the school was formally deeded by a member of the McNeel family to the local Board of Education specifically for the education of African American children on February 3, 1876.31 This school served as a vital center for learning and community advancement for decades.
Religious autonomy was equally important. The Pleasant Green Methodist Episcopal Church, also located in Seebert, provided a spiritual home and community anchor. Significantly, its history is connected to individuals who had personally experienced slavery, highlighting its role as a space for both worship and collective memory.32 It is noted as one of only two extant historic Black churches identified in the county from that era (the other being Wilson Chapel in Brownsburg), underscoring its historical significance.32
These institutions—schools and churches—were foundational pillars of the free Black community, representing the realization of aspirations for self-determination, education, and spiritual independence that had been denied under slavery.31 Research efforts, such as the compilation of information on African American residents by William O. Lindsay 32 and ongoing exploration of resources at the West Virginia Archives and local repositories 16, continue to shed light on the lives and contributions of Black families in Pocahontas County during this critical transition period. The establishment of these community cornerstones demonstrates a profound resilience and a proactive effort to shape a meaningful future in the face of enduring adversity.
VIII. Conclusion: Synthesis and Legacy
The history of slavery in Pocahontas County, West Virginia, reveals a complex interplay between the overarching legal and social structures of Virginia, the specific environmental and economic conditions of the Appalachian region, and the agency of both the enslaved and the enslavers.
A. Summary of Findings
Established in 1821 within the Commonwealth of Virginia, Pocahontas County automatically inherited the state's deeply entrenched system of chattel slavery.1 However, its mountainous geography fostered an economy likely based on mixed agriculture and smaller landholdings, differing from the large-scale plantation systems east of the Blue Ridge.10 Consequently, the enslaved population constituted a relatively small percentage of the county's total inhabitants, suggesting characteristics of a "society with slaves" in economic terms.10 Despite this, slaveholders appeared to wield significant social and political influence, and the county demonstrated staunch loyalty to the Confederacy, voting overwhelmingly for secession.17 This indicates a strong ideological commitment to the institution of slavery that transcended its local economic scale.
The Civil War dramatically accelerated the demise of slavery in the county. Many enslaved individuals seized opportunities created by troop movements to self-emancipate, actively contributing to the institution's collapse.17 The formation of West Virginia involved complex debates over slavery, resulting in initial statehood with gradual emancipation mandated, followed by full state-level abolition in February 1865.34 In the post-emancipation era, formerly enslaved African Americans faced significant challenges but demonstrated remarkable resilience by establishing crucial community institutions, such as the Seebert Lane Colored School and the Pleasant Green M.E. Church, laying the foundation for future generations.31
B. The Enduring Legacy
The legacy of slavery in Pocahontas County, as elsewhere, is multifaceted and enduring. It shaped the county's demographic patterns, economic development, and social relations in ways that resonated long after 1865. The history of forced labor, racial hierarchy, and subsequent struggles for equality and opportunity are integral parts of the county's story. Acknowledging this past is crucial for understanding the present social landscape. The preservation of historic sites like the Seebert school and church serves as a tangible link to this history and the perseverance of the African American community.31 Furthermore, understanding historical systems of exploitation, like slavery, can offer valuable perspectives on contemporary issues, such as debates surrounding resource extraction and economic justice, which sometimes echo historical patterns of power imbalance and the exploitation of people and land.33
C. Avenues for Further Research
While this report synthesizes available information, significant gaps remain, offering avenues for future scholarly inquiry.
Detailed Economic Analysis: A micro-level study of Pocahontas County's antebellum economy, examining farm account books, tax records, and agricultural census schedules, could provide a clearer picture of the precise roles and economic value of enslaved labor.
Mapping Enslavement: Correlating slaveholder names from census schedules 12 with county land records (deeds, surveys) 22 could help map the specific locations of farms and households where enslavement occurred.
Uncovering Voices: Concerted efforts to locate additional primary sources—letters, diaries, oral histories (if any were collected), or further analysis of court records 16—could potentially uncover more direct perspectives from enslaved and formerly enslaved individuals.
Freedmen's Bureau Records: A targeted search within Freedmen's Bureau records for any documentation pertaining specifically to Pocahontas County could illuminate the immediate post-emancipation transition.16
County Records Deep Dive: Systematic examination of Pocahontas County Courthouse records (wills, estate inventories, court order books) would likely yield more names and details about the lives of enslaved people and the activities of enslavers.
Further research into these areas, utilizing local archival resources and potentially engaging with descendant communities, would enrich the understanding of slavery's complex history and lasting impact on Pocahontas County.
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