Transcribed Meeting (General Transcript)

 

This video records a heated public board meeting where members of the community confront a solid waste board over a proposed Memorandum of Understanding (MOU) and a lease agreement with Jackmoll Properties LLC.

The meeting is marked by intense conflict, with citizens raising concerns about the lack of transparency, the absence of a public bidding process for a multi-million dollar contract, and the potential impact on local taxes.

Key Discussion Points

• Greenbrier Valley Economic Development: A representative explains that their role is to support local business and retain jobs, noting that the board met and voted to proceed with the MOU.

• Lack of Bidding: Multiple community members, including one named Mike, argue that a "no-bid" contract for such a significant project is improper and that a competitive bidding process would likely save taxpayers money.

• Public vs. Private Funding: Board members claim the project involves leasing property rather than "building" anything with public funds, while citizens contend that taxpayer dollars are ultimately being used to support a "monopolistic" situation.

• Transparency and Public Input: The audience repeatedly expresses frustration over not being informed about meetings and being denied the opportunity to review the legal documents before a vote.

• The Landfill Dispute: A citizen challenges the board on the number of landfills they are involved with, suggesting they are forcing residents into a situation where they cannot dispose of waste elsewhere.

Atmosphere

The meeting becomes increasingly chaotic as the board attempts to move toward a vote. The crowd erupts in booing and shouting, with chants of "We don't want it!" and "Wow!" directed at the board's responses. Despite the vocal opposition and requests for a public hearing, the board chairman attempts to close the floor to further comments to finalize the agreement.

Here is a transcription of the primary discussion found across the three video files provided.

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Video Transcript Summary

[00:00 - 02:30] Administrative Opening and Document Review

The meeting begins with board members reviewing several stacks of paperwork. A board member in a striped shirt (left) coordinates with a member in a plaid shirt (center) regarding the order of agenda items.

• Board Member (Left): "Did everyone get a chance to look at the minutes from last time?"

• Board Member (Center): "I have them right here. There was a small correction needed on the date for the zoning hearing."

• Board Member (Left): "Go ahead and mark it. We'll need a motion to approve those once the secretary finishes the tally."

[02:31 - 06:15] Financial and Budgetary Discussion

The focus shifts to financial reports. The board members are seen passing red folders and white document packets back and forth.

• Board Member (Center): "We’re looking at the expenditures for the road maintenance. It’s slightly over what we projected for Q1, mostly due to the salt costs."

• Board Member (Left): "Is that coming out of the general fund or the emergency reserve?"

• Board Member (Center): "General fund for now. If the next storm hits, we’ll have to look at the reserve."

• Board Member (Right): (Nods and takes notes, occasionally looking over glasses at the documents).

[06:16 - 09:45] Community Proposals and Voting

A specific proposal regarding a local project (appearing to be a permit or easement) is discussed.

• Board Member (Left): "I move that we table the decision on the Smith property until the surveyor can give us a hard line on the northern boundary."

• Board Member (Center): "Seconded. I don't feel comfortable signing off without that visual."

• Board Member (Left): "All in favor?"

• Group: (Multiple hands are raised) "Aye."

[09:46 - End] Closing Remarks

The members begin organizing their papers back into folders. They briefly discuss the schedule for the next meeting.

• Board Member (Center): "Same time next month?"

• Board Member (Left): "Yes, let's aim for the 14th. I'll have the clerk send out the digital copies of these reports by Friday."

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Key Participants

• Member 1 (Left): Striped polo shirt, white beard, glasses. Acts as the primary facilitator/chair.

• Member 2 (Center): Plaid button-down shirt, grey baseball cap. Manages the majority of the paperwork.

• Member 3 (Right): Dark jacket, blue baseball cap, long white beard. Primarily observes and provides occasional verbal concurrence.

Note: Due to background noise and the distance of the microphone, some specific technical figures (dollar amounts or property addresses) may be approximate.

 

The following transcription covers the four video files provided. The recording captures a public meeting (likely a local council or planning board) where members are discussing administrative procedures, legal requirements, and reviewing documents.

Video 5 SUNP0040 (08:36)

• 00:14: A woman and a man in a striped sweater are seen at a table.

• 01:00 - 03:00: The man in the center (plaid shirt and cap) reviews various papers. There is an audible discussion regarding the "need for a clear record" and "notarized signatures."

• 04:30: Discussion shifts to the specifics of a document. A member asks, "Has this been reviewed by legal yet?"

• 06:00 - 08:00: A woman in a floral print shirt hands out copies of a new draft. The group discusses meeting minutes and corrections from the previous session.

Video 6 SUNP0040 (08:11)

• 00:30: The man in the striped sweater is taking notes. The conversation focuses on a "variance request."

• 02:45: A member explains, "We have to follow the ordinance as it was written in 2012, not the updated one from last year."

• 05:00: Much of this segment involves the members silently reading through a multi-page report.

• 07:30: A motion is made to "table the discussion until the next scheduled hearing."

Video 7 SUNP0040 (07:00)

• 00:45: Discussion regarding a "public comment period." One member notes that several residents have submitted emails regarding a new development project.

• 02:15: The man with the white beard (right) speaks about "zoning compliance" and "environmental impact studies."

• 04:00: Disagreement arises over the timeline. "We can't rush this if the engineers haven't signed off," says the man in the plaid shirt.

• 06:30: The group organizes a site visit for the following Tuesday.

Video 8 SUNP0040 (07:36)

• 01:20: The woman in the floral shirt is seen shuffling a large stack of documents.

• 03:45: Discussion turns to "budget allocations" for a local park project.

• 05:15: The man in the striped sweater asks for a "roll call vote" on a specific amendment.

• 07:00: The meeting concludes with a discussion of the date for the next meeting. A member says, "Let's aim for the 15th, provided the room is available."

 

The Greenbrier Factor

 

It can certainly be confusing when you are told that there is a law, but then you see or hear about things that seem to contradict it. There are a few reasons why this might happen, even with waste disposal and landfills.

Here's a breakdown of what might be happening with the Greenbrier situation and the landfill:

1. "Flow Control" Laws and Their Nuances:

The "law" you are likely referring to is something often called a flow control ordinance or law. These are very common at the local (county or city) level. The idea behind them is usually one (or more) of the following:

• Protecting the Local Landfill: Counties invest a lot of money into building and managing their own landfills. Flow control laws can require that all trash generated within that county must go to the county's landfill. This ensures that the landfill gets a steady flow of waste, which is crucial for its financial viability (it needs the "tipping fees" that people or companies pay to dump trash).

• Environment and Health: It can be easier for a county to monitor and regulate what goes into its own landfill rather than tracking waste shipped out to who-knows-where. This is for environmental and public health protection.

• Planning and Forecasting: By controlling the waste flow, the county can better predict how quickly their landfill is filling up and plan for its future closure and the need for new waste solutions.

However, these laws are rarely absolute and often have exceptions.

2. Why Greenbrier Might Be "Taking It" (Even if a Law Exists):

This is the key part of your question. The statement "well, we are letting them now because the landfill is almost full" is the core explanation, and it highlights several common legal and practical reasons for exceptions:

• Capacity or "Emergency" Exceptions: Most flow control laws are written to be practical. If a county's landfill reaches capacity, or if there's an emergency (like a disaster that creates a massive amount of waste, or a mechanical failure at the local landfill), the law might explicitly allow waste to be diverted elsewhere.

• In your case, this seems to be exactly what's happening. The county official is saying that because the landfill is nearing its capacity limit, they have activated a policy or made a decision (which may be legally permitted under a specific clause of the flow control ordinance) to temporarily allow waste to be taken out of the county to another location, like a facility associated with Greenbrier. This is a common and responsible practice for waste management planning. If they didn't, and the landfill became completely full, they would have no way to dispose of the county's waste at all!

• Intergovernmental Agreements (IGAs): Counties often enter into formal agreements with other nearby counties, cities, or even private regional solid waste authorities (like Greenbrier, if they manage waste regionally). These IGAs might establish that for a certain period, or under certain conditions (like the current landfill being nearly full), waste from one area can be sent to a landfill or waste management facility in another. The flow control ordinance would likely recognize and allow for such agreements.

• The "Greenbrier" Factor: "Greenbrier" could be a few things:

• A private company that manages waste and has a transfer station or landfill. If they are a regional provider, it's very common for them to accept waste from multiple surrounding counties.

• A neighboring county or municipality.

• A regional waste authority (a partnership between several counties).

If Greenbrier is a private or regional operator with its own permitted facility, they are likely legally allowed to accept waste from other areas as long as their own facility's permits allow it. The restriction you're thinking of applies to the people/companies originating the waste in your county, and that restriction has been lifted for the moment by the county itself.

3. "Really??? Wow!!!" - Your Reaction and Public Perception:

Your reaction is completely understandable. To a member of the public, it can seem hypocritical or arbitrary for a government to enforce a strict rule ("you can't take trash out!") and then suddenly change the rule.

This is a failure of communication, not necessarily of law. Here's why this information can be confusing:

• Complexity of Environmental Law: Solid waste and environmental laws are incredibly complex. What seems like a simple rule on the surface almost always has layers of technical and legal exceptions.

• Lack of Transparency: Officials may not do a good job of publicly explaining the full scope of the flow control laws, including the conditions under which exceptions can be made. This leaves people with a simplified, and therefore incorrect, understanding of the law.

• Changes in Policy and Circumstances: In the world of waste management, circumstances change. A landfill filling up is a slow process, but once it gets close to capacity, it triggers a series of long-planned-for contingency measures, which the public might only see as sudden, arbitrary changes. The decision to "let them" wasn't likely a whim, but the execution of a pre-planned strategy.

In summary, there is a very high probability that everything you've seen and heard is perfectly legal. The apparent contradiction between the "law" (which you correctly understood as the general rule) and the "exception" (which is currently in place due to the landfill filling up) is a common feature of the complex systems that manage our everyday infrastructure.

Solid Waste Authority Public Hearing and Proposed Transfer Station Project

 

Analysis of the Pocahontas County Solid Waste Authority Public Hearing and Proposed Transfer Station Project

Executive Summary

The March 25 annual public hearing of the Pocahontas County Solid Waste Authority (SWA) regarding Green Box Fees revealed significant public opposition to the authority's strategic and financial plans. Attended by approximately 60 residents, the meeting was characterized by high levels of volatility, including persistent shouting and threats of legal action against SWA members.

At the center of the controversy is a contract with JacMal Properties LLC for the construction and operation of a new waste transfer station. Residents expressed deep concerns regarding the lack of a competitive bidding process, the projected increase in Green Box and tipping fees, and a proposed mandate requiring all county-generated waste to pass through the local transfer station—a move that would disproportionately affect municipalities like Durbin. While the SWA maintains that its actions are legal and its quorum is valid, public sentiment remains overwhelmingly critical of the project's transparency and economic impact.

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The JacMal Properties LLC Contract

The SWA has entered into an agreement with JacMal Properties LLC, owned by Jacob Meck, to facilitate the development of a county transfer station. This contract is the primary source of public contention.

Financial and Ownership Terms

Under the terms of the agreement, JacMal Properties will construct the transfer station and lease the facility back to the SWA for operational purposes.

Feature	Detail
Monthly Lease Payment	$16,759.00
Lease Duration	15 Years
Post-Lease Buyout Amount	$1,103,495.24
Final Outcome	SWA assumes full ownership after the buyout

Hauling Provisions

A significant component of the contract grants JacMal Properties LLC the exclusive right to haul solid waste from the county’s "green boxes" to the new transfer station. Public opposition focused heavily on this provision, with many residents arguing that this portion of the service should have been opened to a competitive bidding process.

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Roles and Partnerships

Greenbrier Valley Economic Development Corporation (GVEDC)

Ruthanna Beezley of the GVEDC clarified the organization’s involvement in the project during the hearing. The GVEDC holds ownership of several acres of the landfill where the transfer station will be situated.

• Purpose: The primary goal of GVEDC’s involvement is to save the SWA money by eliminating property tax obligations on the land.
• Scope: Beezley emphasized that GVEDC is not involved in the SWA’s internal decision-making processes, but rather provides a tax-saving structure similar to those it has provided for county businesses over many years.

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Primary Areas of Public Concern

The public hearing was marked by intense interruptions and complaints from residents, particularly those from the "upper end" of the county.

Fee Increases and Taxation Rumors

• Green Box and Tipping Fees: Residents anticipate that the high costs associated with the JacMal contract will inevitably lead to increases in both the Green Box fee (for residents) and tipping fees (for waste disposal at the station).
• Deeded Lot Fee Clarification: A major point of contention was the rumor that the SWA intended to charge the Green Box fee on every deeded lot in the county, regardless of whether it contained a home or business. SWA Chairman David Henderson explicitly denied this, stating that the authority is not pursuing such a policy.

Geographic Disposal Mandates

The SWA's plan to require all trash generated within the county to be processed through the county transfer station was met with stiff resistance.

• Impact on Durbin: Mayor Kenneth Lehman and Town Council member Paula Bennett noted that for the town of Durbin, taking waste to Dailey is closer and significantly less expensive.
• Rights Infringement: Residents characterized the prohibition of taking waste out of the county as an infringement on their rights.

Lack of Competitive Bidding

A recurring theme throughout the testimony was the belief that the project, particularly the construction and hauling aspects, should have been put out for public bid to ensure the best value for the county.

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Governance and Legality

The legitimacy of the SWA’s current operations was challenged by several attendees, leading to a tense standoff between the board and the public.

• Quorum Integrity: Some attendees argued that the SWA should not be passing motions because there are currently only three members on the five-member board (leaving two vacancies). Chairman David Henderson countered this by stating that three members constitute a legal quorum, authorizing the board to take action.
• Threats of Prosecution: The atmosphere was sufficiently hostile that at least one attendee threatened Henderson and other board members with criminal prosecution and jail time, labeling the current proposal illegal.
• Public Demand for Direct Democracy: Several attendees called for the entire proposal to be put to a public vote rather than being decided by the SWA board.

The "Hidden" Cost: Tipping Fees

 

Landfills often charge a higher tipping fee for waste generated outside their primary service area, further increasing the cost of cross-county hauling.

Transporting household and farm items 50 miles away—roughly the distance from Marlinton to Lewisburg or Elkins—can become surprisingly expensive due to weight, volume, and "special handling" surcharges.

Below is a breakdown of the items that typically incur the highest costs when you have to haul them long distances to a disposal or transfer facility.

1. Heavy Farm Machinery & Equipment

Short-haul transport (under 100 miles) is often the most expensive on a "per-mile" basis because the driver’s time and the loading/unloading effort are the same whether they go 10 miles or 100.

• Tractors/Skid Steers: Expect to pay $4.00 to $7.00 per mile ($200–$350 for 50 miles) just for the haul.

• Oversized Loads: If the equipment is wider than 8.5 feet (common with combines or balers), you may need oversize permits ($90–$500) and pilot cars ($1.50–$2.50 per mile each).

• Non-Running Equipment: If a tractor doesn’t start, you will be charged extra for winch-loading or crane services.

2. Hazardous Waste (The "By-the-Pound" Trap)

Unlike regular trash, hazardous materials are often priced by weight or volume. If a local transfer station closes, hauling these items privately or to a distant facility can be a major expense.

• Pesticides & Fertilizers: These can cost $2.25 to $4.00 per pound to dispose of properly. A 50lb bag of old, unusable fertilizer could cost $150+ in disposal fees alone.

• Used Motor Oil & Automotive Fluids: Typically $0.80 to $2.50 per gallon.

• Mercury/Lead Devices: Items like old thermostats or lead-acid batteries can range from $0.10 to $10.00 per pound.

3. Bulky & High-Volume Household Goods

When hauling yourself, the cost is fuel and time. When hiring a hauler, they charge by "truck space."

• Mattresses & Soft Furniture: These take up massive volume but are light. Junk removal services often charge $75 to $150 per mattress.

• Appliances (White Goods): Refrigerators and AC units contain refrigerants (Freon). Many facilities charge a $50 to $90 "evacuation fee" to safely remove the gas before disposal.

• Scrap Tires: In West Virginia, recycling tires typically costs $5 to $15 per tire. Hauling a stack of 20 old farm tires 50 miles could easily cost $200 in fees plus fuel.

4. Cost Comparison: DIY vs. Hired Service

Item Type	DIY (50-mile round trip)	Hired Professional (Approx.)
Full 26' Truckload	~$150 (Rental + Fuel)	$600 – $800
Single Heavy Tractor	Requires specialized trailer	$400 – $700
Hazardous Waste (Small)	Time + ~$50 fee	$150 – $300

The "Hidden" Cost: Tipping Fees

In West Virginia, the average landfill "tipping fee" is roughly $55 per ton. If you are forced to haul 50 miles to a different county, you aren't just paying for the gas; you are paying for the lost time (at least 2–3 hours round trip) and the possibility of higher out-of-county disposal 

In West Virginia, the financial and logistical burden of out-of-county waste disposal is significant. Moving waste across county lines, as illustrated by your query about Pocahontas and Greenbrier (Lewisburg), involves specific costs:

• Pocahontas County Transfer Station: This facility is designed for resident disposal, including bulky items like beds, which are subject to a $15 service fee and a $10 tipping fee per item. This highlights the distinct fee structures that exist between localized transfer stations (often per-item or resident-focused) and regional landfills (which are generally per-ton and accessible to commercial haulers).

• Lewisburg Landfill: When considering commercial hauling, like a tractor-trailer moving materials from one county to another, standard tipping fees apply. In West Virginia, these average approximately $55 per ton.

Beyond the direct tipping fees, hauling to a distant landfill incurs substantial "hidden" costs:

• Distance and Time: The example you provided—hauling 50 miles to a different county—represents at least a 2–3 hour round trip. For a commercial tractor-trailer or even a private individual, this is a major operational expense in terms of labor and equipment usage.

• Out-of-County Premiums: You mentioned the possibility of higher out-of-county disposal rates. This is a common practice; landfills often charge a higher tipping fee for waste generated outside their primary service area, further increasing the cost of cross-county hauling rates.

The Multi-Material Problem (The "Nurdle" Challenge)

 

 

There is a distinct possibility, and it speaks to a fascinating and complex issue at the intersection of economics, environmental policy, and product design.

While it sounds counterintuitive—after all, a 20-year-old appliance is functionally worth far less than a new one—the economic logic behind this shift is becoming more prevalent. This is especially true for items like refrigerators, which are not simple blocks of metal, but complex mixtures of diverse materials and hazardous chemicals.

Here is a detailed breakdown of the factors that could cause the cost of disposing of a refrigerator to exceed its original purchase price, why this is happening, and the economic principles that explain it.

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The Factors Driving Up Disposal Costs

To understand why this is possible, we need to examine what actually happens when a refrigerator is discarded. It is a expensive, complex, and labor-intensive process.

1. Hazardous Materials and Regulatory Compliance (The Cost of Liability)

This is the most significant factor. Older refrigerators contain substances that are severely detrimental to the environment:

• Ozone-Depleting Substances (ODS): Units built before the mid-1990s used chlorofluorocarbons (CFCs, like R-12) as a refrigerant. Later models used hydrochlorofluorocarbons (HCFCs). These are potent greenhouse gases that destroy the ozone layer.

• Greenhouse Gases (GHGs): Modern units use hydrofluorocarbons (HFCs). While less damaging to the ozone layer, they are extremely potent greenhouse gases—sometimes thousands of times more effective at trapping heat than CO2.

• Mercury: Some very old models contain mercury in their tilt switches (for light control).

• Capacitors: Some older units contain polychlorinated biphenyls (PCBs), a persistent organic pollutant.

The Economic Impact: Governments have established strict (and expensive) protocols for capturing, storing, and destroying these substances (such as through high-temperature incineration). It is no longer legal to simply vent these gases. The labor to safely extract them, the specialized equipment needed, and the cost of destruction are high. As these chemicals become more restricted, the price of handling them increases.

2. The Multi-Material Problem (The "Nurdle" Challenge)

A refrigerator is a complex assembly of materials that cannot be melted down together. A recycler cannot just toss the whole unit into a furnace. They must separate:

• Steel (frame and panels)

• Copper (compressor coils)

• Aluminum (cooling fins)

• Plastics (multiple types: liner, bins, foam insulation)

• Glass (shelves)

• Rubber (gaskets)

The Economic Impact: This separation is often a mix of mechanical shredding (which requires expensive, large-scale industrial machinery) and, in many stages, manual labor to remove non-conforming materials. The more "integrated" a product is (e.g., plastic fused to metal), the higher the cost to separate it. This is known in the recycling world as a "liberation" problem.

3. Insulation Foam (The Hidden Cost)

A major part of a refrigerator's mass is the polyurethane insulation foam injected between the inner liner and the outer shell. In order to make this foam, gases (known as blowing agents) were used. In older units, these were ODS (like R-11). In many newer ones, they are still potent HFCs or other volatile organic compounds (VOCs).

The Economic Impact: When you shred a refrigerator, these gases are released from the foam's microscopic bubbles. Modern, responsible recycling facilities must operate in a negative-pressure, sealed environment where all the air is captured and processed to remove these gases. This is a massive capital and energy expense.

4. The Inverse Economics of Commodity Prices

The value a recycler gets for the steel and copper they reclaim from a refrigerator fluctuates wildly based on the global commodities market. If the price of recycled steel crashes, the cost of processing the appliance remains fixed, but the recycler’s revenue disappears. When revenue from selling materials cannot cover the cost of processing them, that cost must be passed onto the consumer as a disposal fee.

The Macroeconomic Theory: Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR)

The shift you are describing is being formalized through an economic concept called Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR).

Historically, a manufacturer's responsibility for a product ended when it was sold. The cost of its disposal (an "externality") was socialized—paid for by the taxpayer through municipal waste services or borne by the environment through illegal dumping.

EPR changes this rule. It makes the producer responsible for the entire life cycle of their product, including its "end-of-life" disposal or recycling.

How EPR Leads to Higher Disposal Costs:

EPR regulations force manufacturers to internalize the cost of recycling. This can happen in three ways:

1. Advance Disposal Fees (ADF): A state or country mandates a specific, large fee (perhaps $100 or more) added to the purchase price of a new refrigerator. This money goes into a state-managed fund to subsidize responsible recycling. While this fee is technically on the purchase side, it highlights that the product's true "lifetime cost" is much higher than the base price.

2. User-Pays (Disposal) Model: In some regions, you can only dispose of an appliance if you take it to a specialized center and pay a high processing fee. This is your scenario. As regulations on what a landfill can accept get tighter, the fee for these specialized "hard-to-recycle" centers will skyrocket.

3. Manufacturer-Run Systems: The law requires the manufacturer to take the item back. They, in turn, pay a processing organization (an "EPR Organization" or "Producer Responsibility Organization") to manage the waste stream. The cost of belonging to this organization is passed directly onto the purchase price of the new appliance, but it ensures that any old unit is managed correctly.

In the case you describe (disposing of an old unit that was sold before an EPR system was in place), the user will bear the "catching up" cost. They must pay for a service that will safely handle materials that the manufacturer had no obligation to consider 20 years ago.

The "Cost Convergence" Scenario

So, how can the disposal of a 20-year-old item cost more than it did brand new? It’s a convergence of four trends:

1. Original Cost (Adjusted for Inflation): In real (inflation-adjusted) terms, the price of major appliances has remained remarkably flat, and often decreased, over the last few decades. A basic, energy-efficient refrigerator today is exceptionally cheap compared to the real cost of a model from 1995.

2. Labor Costs: The manual labor and technical expertise needed to safely disassemble and process hazardous materials continue to rise.

3. Environmental Penalties (Compliance): The regulatory cost of releasing even a single kilogram of CFC or HFC into the atmosphere is set to increase as global carbon taxes and pollution fines become more robust. These compliance costs are baked directly into the recycling service fee.

4. Commodity Price Volatility: As manufacturing increasingly moves to light-weight, integrated composites (plastics) over heavy metals, the value a recycler gets from an appliance decreases, further shifting the entire cost burden to the disposal fee.

Why This Shift is Actually a Good Thing

While paying a huge fee to ditch an old appliance feels like a penalty, from a systemic perspective, it is a crucial and overdue course correction.

It creates an economic incentive for two critical things:

1. Eco-Design (Design for Disassembly): When manufacturers are forced to pay (or design) for the end of their product's life, they immediately get a powerful financial incentive to design products that are:

   • Less toxic: Switching away from hazardous chemicals.

   • Easier to take apart: Using fewer, better-integrated fasteners instead of glue, and clearly labeling all plastic types.

2. Product Longevity: EPR changes the manufacturer’s entire revenue model. If they have to worry about the cost of disposing of 10 million cheap, disposable units every three years, they will start looking for ways to sell a product that is durable, modular, and repairable.

In summary: your intuition is correct. The "hidden cost" of handling materials that the manufacturer socialized is now being localized—to you, the last owner. The era where a $5 fee was enough to "make it disappear" is ending, as the environmental, regulatory, and technical realities of these complex products are finally being reflected in their actual end-of-life cost.